vol. 30, no. 9
Primary tabs
LEFT TO RIGHT: SANDRA ARCHER, LUCIA;
AND JOHN ROBB, BONIFACIO, IN "CANDELAIO"
First Amendment Victory
Professor Acquitted In
Free Speech Case
In late July both Dr. Dale
Pontius and Mr. Brian Kastama'
were acquitted in the San Fran-
cisco Municipal courtroom of
Judge Bernard Glickfeld after
a two-day trial in which Pontius
was charged -with failing to dis
perse and unlawful assembly and
Kastama was charged with the
same offense, as well as with
interfering with an officer. Pon-
tius, a professor of political sci-
ence specializing in far-Eastern
affairs at Roosevelt University
in Chicago, is in the Bay Area
on a grant to do research at the
Hoover Institute at Stanford.
He has engaged in a series of
street meetings concerning
American participation in the
war in Vietnam for motives he
explained in the June News.
Dr. Pontius takes the position
that the United States is engag-
ing in an undeclared war in
Vietnam and that the President
has exceeded his constitutional
authority and should be im-
peached. He engaged in a talka-
thon to this effect starting about
1:00 pm..on May 1, 1965 and
ending about 1:00 a.m. on May
2, 1965 when he was arrested by
the San Francisco police at the
eorner of Powell and Market.
The police charged that Pontius
failed to move on when they
wanted to break up the crowd
listening to him. They also
charged that one of the specta-
tors, Brian Kastama, (who, in
fact, disagrees with Pontius)
failed to disperse and interfered
with the officer arresting Pon-
tius. :
, At the trial the police testified
that they had observed several
service men in the crowd who
appeared to be upset by what
Pontius was saying, although
there was no testimony that any
person in the audience threat-
ened violence or that there was
any danger of a riot or any other
sort of commotion being incited.
Pontius testified that his pur-
pose was to be provocative be-
cause many times that is the
only way to make people think.
In any event, ACLUNC Staff
Counsel Marshall Krause, de-
fending the pair, pointed out
that it was the duty of the Po-
lice Department to protect the
speaker's right to address a
street meeting and that the po-
lice acted unconstitutionally if
they sought to break up a meet-
ing because some persons in the
audience were upset by the con-
tent. Speaking on the street is
protected by the First Amend-
ment, as is the right of assem-
bly.
Concerning the charge of in-
terfering with an officer, the
only testimony given was that
Mr. Kastama stood near a police
officer who was not involved in
Pontius' arrest and that he re-
fused to move on. Clearly, this
was not interference.
Even though Judge Glickfeld
acquitted the two defendants (as
"he was required to do under ap-
plicable constitutional and legal
doctrine) he felt he had to com-
pliment the police on acting as
best they could under difficult
circumstances. Thus ended a
case which never should. have
arisen but which may very well
continue to arise until the police
understand their proper duty
in matters of free speech.
Debate on HUAC
"Does the House Com-
mittee on UnAmerican Ac-
tivities pose a greater
threat to freedom than
does Communism?" will
be debated by Frank Wil-
kinson, Executive Director
of the National Committee
to Abolish HUAC, and
George N. Crocker, attor-
ney and newspaper col-
umnist, who supports the
Committee.
The debate, sponsored
by a group of ACLU mem-
bers in Livermore Valley,
will take place on Thurs-
day, September 9, starting
at 8 p.m., at the Joe Mi-
chell School in Livermore.
Tickets ($1.00) may be pur-
chased at the door or at
Books Universal, 172
South J Street, Livermore
(Telephone: 447-7733).
American
- Civil Liberties
Union
Volume XXX
SAN FRANCISCO, SEPTEMBER, 1965
First Amendment Violation
- During the past month the theatrical company known as
the San Francisco Mime Troupe learned the reality of the
maxim "a little censorship goes a long way.' For several
years the company has been presenting costumed productions
of little-known Renaissance plays in the San Francisco parks
on a portable stage, free of
charge.
Hearing
This year the San Francisco
Park and Recreation Commis-
sion decided to hold a hearing
as to whether the Mime Troupe
should continue to be granted a
---__-
permit to perform in the parks.
After reports from Park Depart-
ment employees. that the play
was "offensive' and contained
"dirty" words, the Commission
held a public hearing and heard
nothing but praise for the play
from members of the public,
many of whom said that they
would have no hesitation to take
their children to see it despite
its somewhat earthy language
and gestures, Previously, review-
ers had also praised it.
Members of the Troupe, led
by Director R. G. Davis, pleaded
with the Commission for artistic
freedom. The Troupe's lawyer,
Marvin Stender, informed the
Commission that it had no legal
power to deny a permit on cen-
-sorship grounds. ACLUNC Staff
Counsel Marshall W. Krause was
also at the hearing. He told the
Commission that it was not part
of their job to regulate the con-
tent of speech activities in the
public parks, that instead their
duties were limited to deciding
the time, place and manner. of
public park activities. Section 116
of the San Francisco Park Code,
which authorizes the Commis-
sion to issue permits for theatri-
cal events, provides no standard
for the issuance or the with-
drawal of a permit, thus con-
tains no censorship authority.
Krause also informed the Com-
mission that it should leave any
potential law violation to the
Police Department. He _ also
pointed out to the Commission
that if it censored one activity
it might find itself urged to
censor all other activities in the
public parks, including, for ex-
ample, determining whether a
particular painting in the De
Young Museum was "offensive."
The Commission, after sitting
stolidly under a barrage of ar-
guments without participating in
the discussion, calmly voted
unanimously to deny a permit
`to the Mime Troupe.
Censorship Effects
This act of censorship had at
least five effects: (1) R. G.
Davis was arrested on Saturday,
August 7, in Lafayette Park for
performing a play without a per-
mit. After Davis was taken
away, the play continued (in
fact, Davis was not even in the
cast) and was performed in San
Francisco's parks without a per-
mit the following Sunday and
the next weekend. Davis' trial
for a violation of Sec. 116 of the
Park Code is scheduled Septem-
ber 10, before Municipal Court
Judge Donald Constine. (2)
The Mime Troupe's scheduled
appearance in Mt. Tamalpais
Amphitheater, as part of the Ma-
rin Summer Festival of Arts,
was eancelled after Gordon T.
Kishbaugh, Superintendent of
District 2, California State Divi-
sion of Beaches and Parks, de-
U. C. Extension
Fall Courses
Robert M. O'Neill, U. C.
associate professor of law
and member of the Berke-
ley-Albany Chapter board,
will give a ten-week course
on "The People, the
Courts, and the Bill of
Rights," at the Berkeley
campus on_ successive
Wednesday evenings, be-
ginning September 22.
Fee, $35. :
Participants in the
course will study several
recent court cases con-
cerned with civil liberties
and individual rights, and
analyze the decisions ren-
dered.
Free speech, freedom of
worship, private property,
equal opportunity, and
criminal justice will be
the subjects covered.
`"`Law ana Sociat
Change," another course
will be given by attorney
William M. Harriman at
the U. C. Extension Cen-
ter in San Francisco on 18
successive Tuesday after-
noons, starting September
21. Fee, $45.
Topics will include:
sources of law, the rela-
tionship of national social
values to economic and
political structure, punish-
ment, and the question so
often heard in California
during the 1964 election
campaign, "Can we legis-
late morality?"
Detailed information and
enrollment forms are avail-
able from U. C. Extension,
2223 Fulton Street, Berke-
ley, and from University
Extension Center, 55 La-
guna Street, San Fran-
cisco.
_ misdemeanor
clared the Troupe "unacceptable
for performance' in _ State
Parks. (3) A company of the
Mime Troupe performing "Civil
Rights in a Cracker Barel"' in
Berkeley found members of the
Berkeley Police Department
tape-recording the show without
the permission of the Troupe.
The Berkeley Chief later an-
nounced the tape was being
screened for "obscenity." (4)
The Mime Troupe's scheduled
appearance at the Bernal
Heights Street Fair was can-
celled for undisclosed reasons.
(5) An appearance by the
Troupe and Director R. G. Davis
on CBS television was cancelled,
also for undisclosed reasons.
ACLUNC Action
The entry of the State Divi-
sion of Beaches and Parks in
censorship turned into a victory
for anti-censorship forces after
fast action by the ACLUNC.
Staff Counsel Marshall Krause
-Continued on Page 3
Number 9
U.C. Students
FSM's Bail
Problems
Bail on appeal for convicted
FSM demonstrators was set at
either $550 or $1100 by Munici-
pal Court Judge Rupert Critten-
don after he had found the stu-
dent group guilty of trespassing
and resisting arrest (by going
limp). This amounted to more
than $400,000 in bail and to a
bail bond premium in excess of
$40,000 for the more than 600
persons convicted. Many of the
students convicted believed that
it was an unjustified financial
-drain because they had respond-
ed to all previous court orders
and had been free on much
smaller bail during the trial. The
law prevents the trial from be-
ing continued as appeal bail.
Attorneys for the students
then filed a writ of mandate in
the State Supreme Court in an
attempt to get bail lowered.
ACLUNC's view was that any
student who was financially un-
able to post the bond would
have to spend the time in jail
pending his appeal and, in many
convictions, the
sentence would expire before
the appeal could be decided. Be-
fore this position could be pre-
sented to the Supreme Court,
the writ was denied. |
Next, some of the students
who could not afford to post bail
were taken off to jail when they
posted their notices of appeal.
A writ of habeas corpus was im-
mediately applied for on their
behalf. Once again the American
Civil Liberties Union of North-
ern California, appealing amicus
curiae, pointed out that there
would be a denial of equal pro-
tection of the laws if responsible
persons were required to linger
in jail pending appeal just be-
cause they lacked sufficient.
funds to post a bond. That writ
was denied in the Alameda
County Superior Court and a
new writ will be sought in the
district court of appeal.
Academic Freedom
Katz Case
Still Undecided
The case of Dr. Eli Katz is one
of the matters awaiting the de-
cision of the new University of
California at Berkeley Chancel-
lor, Roger Heyns. Katz was de-
nied reappointment to the Ger-
man Department at the Universi-
ty despite the strong backing of
the Department because former
Chaneellor Edward Strong re-
quested him to answer questions
about his political activities,
which Katz had previously de-
clined to answer. Katz, and a spe-
cial committee which heard his
case (where Katz was repre-
sented by ACLUNC Executive Di-
rector Ernest Besig) took the po-
sition that once a professor has
answered the Levering Act oath
questions no further political in-
quiry can be made, Strong re-
fused to accept this position.
For a time the Regents of the
University had the case, but then
they referred it back to the
Chancellor's office for final de-
cision, specifying that the new
Chancellor should make the deci-
sion. It is hoped that Dr. Heyns
will make an early decision as
the case has been pending for
some time and has crucial signifi-
cance for political freedom at the
University of California. If a de
cision is not made within a rea-
sonable time (and if it is un-
favorable) ACLUNC will take the
case to court,
AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION NEWS
Published by the American Civil Liberties Union of Northern California
second Class Mail privileges authorized at San Francisco, California
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503 Market Street, San Francisco, California 94105, EXbrook 2-4692.
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151
ye ay rea fer
The Courts to Lighten
By TOM WICKER
Sooner or later the Federal
courts. will have to come to
grips with the delicate and com-
plex issue that District Judge
Frank M: Johnson of Alabama
touched but Lo unsettled this
week.
That is the adestion of what
civil rights demonstrators may
or may not do in staging public
protests. At what point does pro-
test cease to be legitimate and
become a public nuisance that
- ean and should be suppressed by
state and local police power? -
- Who Shall Decide?
"Judge Johnson, who refused to,
take jurisdiction of the specific
cases' of 167 demonstrators ar-
rested in Montgomery for violat-
ing local ordinances and _ state
laws, said demonstrators had no
right to decide for themselves
whether to obey the law. But he
added that "peaceful, orderly and
lawful demonstrations for pur-
poses of dramatizing grievances
or protesting discrimination"
could not justify the arrests and
prosecutions of the demonstra-
tors. |
But the question he did not
answer is precisely what consti-
tutes a "peaceful, orderly and
Jawful" demonstration. And who
decides whether demonstrators
have the legitimate purpose of
"dramatizing grievances or pro-
testing' discrimination" or are
wantonly disturbing the peace?
The courts have not yet provid-
ed the answers. Federal courts in
New. York and the Supreme
.Court itself refused to take jur-
isdiction, for instance, in the
ease of the. Rev. : Milton Galami-
son, who was convicted of violat-
ing local ordinances during sit-
ins at the World's Fair. and the
New York City Board .of Educa-
tion.
Basic Teeue Unsettled
On the other hand, the Su-
preme Court did strike down
Louisiana's conviction of the Rev.
Elton Cox on a charge of leading
a demonstration that broke the
Jaw by approaching too near a
courthouse when the court was
in session. It did so by 5-4, and
even that narrow decision was
based on the facts of the partic-
ular case and did not settle the
wider legal issues. |
In a notable dissent to the Cox
decision, Justice Hugo Black
wrote:
"Those who encourage minor-
ity groups, to believe that the
`United States Constitution and
Federal laws give them a right
to patrol] and picket in the streets
whenever they choose, in order
to advance what they think to be
a just and noble end, do no serv-
iu to those minority Sroups,
their cause or their country."
Judge , Johnson was more' ex-
`plicit. "The philosophy," he said,
`that a person may-if his cause -
is. labeled `civil rights' or `states'
_ rights' - determine for himself |
what laws and court decisions
are morally right.or wrong and
- either obey or refuse to obey
them according `to his own de-
_ termination, is a philosophy, that
ds foreign. to our `rule- of- law'
theory: of government.' es
But the: trouble: is that it is
searcely.. possible . to conduct a
sizable civil rights demonstra-
tion without. violating some. or- .
- dinance at least technically. Even -
`fo no. law -is. broken, -local . offi-
cials so inclined can almost al-
_ ways either push demonstrators
.,; ACLU NEWS
SEPTEMBER, 1965
`Page 2
into an illegal position or trump
up charges against them.
Thus, in this gray area of the
law, it is possible for demonstra-
tors in pursuit of legitimate ends
to violate the rights of others, to
bring a community's life virtu-
ally to a halt, and to make law.
breakers of themselves. It is pos-
sible, on the other hand, that
demonstrators whose protest is
"peaceful, orderly and lawful"
can be man-handled, arrested and
jailed, on pretexts or technicali- -
ties.
Still another legal question
arises from the purposes of a
demonstration. Negroes protest-
ing in a Southern city because
they had plainly been denied the
right to vote might be one thing;
demonstrators hurling garbage
in the streets and chaining them-
selves to some judge's desk in
_ general protest against the condi-
tions of life in America probably
are something else again.
The interesting question of
civil disobedience as a philoso-
phy also is raised. It may be a
perfectly justifiable belief that
one who is in profound moral
and personal disagreement with
a law should meet the require-
ments of his conscience by ig-
noring or even deliberately
breaking the law.
Civil Disobedience Cases
But what of the man who pro-
fesses a conscientious belief in
civil disobedience, and then asks
a court to absolve him of the le-
gal consequences of having acted
upon that belief? Doesn't a belief
in civil disobedience require a
willingness to suffer the penal-
ties that may follow the act of
conscience?
- The Supreme Court can hard-
ly-settle such questions as. that,
but it can provide reasonable
guidelines for demonstrators and
for state and local law enforc-
ers. As Negroes extend their pro-
tests to such matters as housing,
de facto segregation and job op-
portunities, the gray area will
become even murkier without
guidance from the courts.
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_ The foregoing article is re-
printed from the New York
Times, August 5, 1965, as
pertinent to an issue of par-
ticular timeliness in the Bay
Area.
The attempt of Edgar J. Sokol
to sue the telephone company
for damages after his telephones .
were unjustly removed and his
business destroyed on the false
allegation that he was engaged
in illegal activities continues.
The latest action is a decision
of the Public Utilities Commis-
sion, filed August 3, holding
that, the importance of controll-
ing bookmaking justifies the re-
moval of telephones from a sub-
scriber's place of business with-.
out notice or hearing or a
- chance to. make a defense, and
that the great injury to. the oc-
casional. innocent victim must be
the price paid for efficient law
enforcement.
Permission to Sue
In Sokol's case, brought with
the support of ACLUNC, even -
though he was not engaged in
illegal activity it took 14 days
to get his telephones restored -
_ after they were removed on a
Police Department complaint.
The long delay forced Sokol out
DIRKSEN AMENDMENT
Gentlemen:
I find that I must take issue
with your stand against the Dirk-
sen Amendment to the Federal
Constitution as expressed in the
August NEWS. Of your three
conditions. for approval of such
an amendment, conditions A and
C are more or less embodied in
the present Dirksen proposal.
That is, non-discrimination and
judicial review are not explicitly
proscribed; therefore, they are
implicitly allowed.
I disagree principally with con-
dition B, which provides for peri-
odic voter referendum. Such pe-
riodic review is not characteristic
of any of our other laws, includ-
ing the Constitution of the
United States. I see no reason
why this particular subject
should be singled out for such"
treatment.
If periodic popular referendum
is a good idea of government, it
should be included as part of our
basic law to apply. to all consti-
tutional. matters, not merely to
upper -house legislative appor-
tionment.
Charles Robbins Arnold
Dear Mr. Arnold:
There is some doubt that con-_
dition A is met by the Dirksen
Amendment proposal since it
may override the Equal Protec-
tion Clause of the Fourteenth
Amendment. The theory of the
periodic voter referendum is
that, if a majority of voters are
to give up their right to equal
representation in favor of some
other kind of representation, this
must be done periodically rather
than just once since the voters
must be given the opportunity to
change their minds and new vot-
ers must be given an opportunity
to have their voice in this deci-
sion.
Marshall W. Krause
Staff Counsel
PROP. 14
Dear Mr. Besig:
Tardiness in sending the en-
closed dues is partly on account
of my having been away from
the area. But also, this year, for
the first time since I joined 15
years ago, it was not easy to de-
cide whether to continue support
of the ACLU.
I joined because ACLU was
the only organization effectively
defending individuals against ar-
bitrary and tyrannical violation
by government of the rights
guaranteed by the Constitution. I
shall continue because that is
Still true; but with reluctance,
because it is no longer the whole
truth about the ACLU. A New
Policy is in effect.
`To judge from the ACLU
News, the ACLU is becoming
more and more just another ap-
pendage of the so-called Civil
Rights movement. Much in this
program, for instance the secur-
ing of voting rights for Negroes,
properly concerns an organiza-
tion devoted to defending civil
of business. When he brought suit
for damages the Supreme Court
of California held that he had
first to get permission from the
Public Utilities Commission to _
bring a suit, since regulation of
telephone companies is within
the exclusive jurisdiction of that
Commission. .The Commission
has denied such permission and
Sokel will again take his case to
the Supreme Court of California
to get this decision overturned
if possible.
Dissent
The Commission's . decision
was concurred in by three Com-
missioners, one Commissioner
did not participate. Commission-
er William M. Bennett filed a
dissenting opinion in which he
said: "Reviewing the majority
opinion herein, I can only con-
clude that it perpetuates a pro- -
cedure which is unconstitutional
on its face, which is lacking in
any proper deference to the -
Standards of due process and
which is sought to be justified -
Correspondence
But many more de-
liberties.
mands, for instance imposition
of racial quotas in employment
and bussing of school children,
have nothing to do with the civil
liberties spelled out in the Con-
stitution, however legitimate and
even desirable they may `be as
political goals. There is no ert:
age of organizations devoted sto
their achievement. The TB As-
sociation and March of Dimes
have had to look for new diseases
to conquer, now that TB and pol-
io `have been substantially lick- |
ed. But one could hardly contend
that the Bill of Rights is now so -
safe that no one need spend full
time defending it. be
`One of many cases in point is
ACLU's support of the lawsuits
seeking to overthrow Proposition .
14. I do not think Prop. 14 is
wise, and I voted against it. But
it has nothing to do with civil
liberties. The Constitution says
nothing and implies nothing
about who shall sell or rent what
to whom.
Nor do Messrs. Krause and
Margolin, representing ACLU in
Grogan v. Meyer, maintain the
contrary. Instead they rely on
two arguments, of which one is
dangerous and the other despica-
ble.
First they argue that "no state
may constitutionally abdicate all
police power in a major area of
the state's traditional concern"
(ACLU News, Aug. 1965). If this
doctrine is upheld, the ACLU is
done for. Freedom of speech, of
the press, of worship, every right
in the Bill of Rights is precisely
an abdication of police power in
a major area of the state's tradi-
tional concern. The spectacle of
ACLU lawyers appealing to un-
alienable police rights is omi-
nous indeed.
Next they raise the "complete-
ly novel argument" that ``Section
26 should be interpreted... . to
leave in effect existing statutes
regulating discrimination in
housing (ie., Rumford and Un-
ruh Acts) but prevent expansion
of these statutes or the enact-
ment of new statutes." This is a
piece of exegesis that would
make a Jesuit blush. Such legal-
istic perversion might. be some-
what humorous in a Jack Lem-
mon film, but one would not ex-
pect ACLU lawyers to don
straight faces and tell it to the
judge.
I read in the same issue of the
ACLU News that northern Cali-
fornia membership now stands
at a "record 6675." Obviously the
New Policy is popular. In the
past, ACLU did. not strive for
popularity, but pereres that was
a mistake.
Wallace T. Matson
(Professor of Philosophy,
- University of California) -
2CISE
`only upon the startling premise
that .a public utility service ...
may be summarily removed
without notice, without hearing
and without demonstrated valid
cause simply because such a
procedure in some unspecified
way constitutes `an aid to effec-
tive law enforcement.' "
Commissioner Bennet t also
pointed out that the decision to
leave the removal of telephone
service in the hands of law en-
forcement officers in effect. con-
stitutes these officials as judicial
officers who have the' power to
take away property without no-
tice or hearing: He also strongly
attacked the power of the Com-
mission. to make a utility im-
mune to private damage actions.
A petition for rehearing is
now on file with the Commission
and ACLUNC : attorneys Leo
Borregard and Marshall W.
Krause will carry the ease to the
Supreme Court of California and
necessary.
Dear Professor Matson: -
We appreciate the fact that
you renewed your membership
despite your disagreement with
some of our recent positions. We
realize that very few of our mem-
bers would go along with every
position of the ACLU and so we
have to count on the fact that
most of our members are in
agreement with our positions
most: of. the time and therefore
find us an organization worthy.
of supportin g.
It is true that there is a con- -
siderable pressure from our
members and from other organi-
zations to make the ACLU a-
more activist organization in the'
civil rights movement. We in
Northern California are' some- '
what conservative in this respect, |
at least as compared with the:
ACLU in Southern California
which operates a joint program
with the NAACP, CORE and
other civil rights groups. I must;
protest, however, at your cita-.
tion of the imposition of racial
quotas in employment and the:
bussing of school children. as.
positions of ACLU in Northern
California. Racial quotas in em-
ployment: (and in housing, for
that matter) would not be sup-:
ported by the Civil Liberties Un-
ion nor is bussing of school chil-:
dren supported by the Civil Lib-.
erties Union. It is my view that
school districts have a constitu-
tional obligation to recognize de
facto segregation and to try to do
something about it, since the fail-
ure to correct the educational
harm caused by this situation de-
prives Negroes of the equal pro-
tection of the laws.
We are in disagreement con: .
cerning whether Proposition 14
is in violation of the Federal
Constitution. Certainly this is not
an easy question, but our Board
of Directors felt `that there was
a constitutional violation and we
have hopes that the courts will
agree with our position. The spe-
`cific arguments used in Grogan
v. Meyer need some special ex-
planation... The procedural pos-
`ture of this case is that a brief
could be filed with the Supreme
Court only at the sufferance of
that court. That court required
that we (1) not repeat arguments
made in other briefs, and (2) file
a consolidated brief.with another
ease. In this circumstance we
adopted by reference the major
constitutional arguments under
the Fourteenth Amendment and
argued at length only two periph-
eral points. The first of these
is the police power of the State
which, if it did not exist, would
make `the guarantees of the Bill
of Rights a mockery. under pres-
ent conditions in our country. If
a speaker on an unpopular sub-
ject. at a public. meeting could
not be protected against physical
assault by members of the audi-
ence, how much free sp eech
would we have?.
`The second argument' is one
of interpretation and does not
involve constitutional principles -
"except to the extent that one can
say that if this argument: is
adopted, the constitutional ques-
tions would: not have to be reach-
`ed. In representing clients for
the ACLU, I do not: and could
not limit myself to constitutional
questions since my clients are
entitled to have their cases ar-
gued on any legitimate basis
which will win their cases. It
frequently happens that the
`courts do not reach the constitu-
tional questions argued in ACLU
`eases but decide them on other
grounds.
Marshall w. Krause
Dear Mr. Krause:
`Since in. commenting on. my
letter I am sure you will not
`wish to misrepresent what I
`wrote, I think I had better point
out that contrary to. what you
wrote in your letter of August
2, I made no "citation of the im-
position of racial quotas in em-
`ployment and the bussing of
school children `as. positions `of
`the ACLU in Northern: Califor-
to the U.S. Supreme: cau a 7p
ia." I cited these only as. de-
= "Continued on Paye:4
Legislative Apportionment
irks
iat month the U. S. Senate defeated the amendment to
the U. S. Constitution proposed by Senator Dirksen which
would have permitted one house of bicameral state legis-
latures to be apportioned on factors other than population.
The Dirksen amendment failed of approval by 7 votes. The
final decision of Senator Javits
- to oppose it, and the decisive re-
jection that same day of his sub-
stitute version, was instrumental |
in eroding the support needed to
pass his fellow- Republican' s
amendment.
Other Courses
While the House has not acted
on a reapportionment amend-
ment, the Senate's action appears
to have killed efforts to reverse
or impair the Supreme Court's
one-man, one-vote ruling of June
15, 1964, Although it has not
stopped further plans by Sen-
ator Dirksen who continues to.
devise substitute measures. In
- fact, he has assured this Branch,
by letter, that he will continue
his efforts. It is still possible,
however, that such amendment
to the U. S.. Constitution could
be made through a constitutional
convention called by. Congress
on petition of 34 state legisla-
tures. Twenty-three legislatures
have petitioned for such a con-
vention. This method has never
been used to amend the Consti-
tution.
Outcome of Defeat
The long-range result of the
Senate's. defeat of the Dirksen
amendment:and of the probable
. failure of any such proposal, will
be the final removal of the domi-
Tutt
nance exercised over state legis-
latures by farm and small- town
interests. -
Provisions' of the Dirksen
amendment, both as originally
proposed and as _ subsequently
modified several times, have
been described in previous issues
of the NEWS, together with rea-:
sons for ACLU's opposition, and
space does not permit their repe-
tition.
`Support for `the Dirksen
amendment reached a peak in
February and March, when it was
widely believed that Senator
Dirksen had the necessary two-
thirds votes in the Senate. Con-
tributing to the gradual ebbing
of .support were: time, and the
fact that an increasing number
of legislatures continued to re-
apportion in compliance with
court orders, with the consequent
reluctance on their part to un-
dergo the second upheaval of
reversing their actions. Also, la-
bor, civil rights, and civil liber-
ties organizations actively cam-
paigned against the amendment.
An especial issue was made of
the point that the Dirksen
amendment could be used by the
white-dominated Southern legis-
latures to check the newly won
voting power of urban Negroes.
le Takes Civil |
ights Posi in South
Richard E. Tuttle, a director of the branch board of
ACLUNC since last September, and Chief Counsel of the
State Public Utilities Commission, recently resigned both
posts in order to assume direction of the southern legal aid
office in Jackson, eee of the Lawyers' Committee for
Prisoner Loses
Appeal |
~ Robert Pate is a prisoner at
San. Quentin State Prison as the
result of a conviction of kidnap-
ing in the State of Nevada. He isa
"boarder" in the California State
Prison System because Nevada
has no facility able: to take care
`of him. It is clear from the tran-
script of Pate's Nevada trial that
he was denied the effective as-
sistance of counsel and probably
was mentally ill when he went
`through vital stages of the pro-
ceedings, For `these. reasons,
' ACLUNE with the assistance of
volunteer attorney Arthur Brun-
wasser, is supporting his habeas
corpus case. :
Because the State of | Nevada
does not allow: a person outside
of its borders to proceed under
`habeas corpus, and since the
-State of California.denies it, has
habeas corpus jurisdiction over
Pate, ACLUNC filed its petition
in Federal District Court. How-
ever, Judge Albert C. Wollen-
berg threw the case out on the
basis that Pate first had to try (c)
Nevada remedies before the fed-
eral courts could take jurisdic-
tion. Now the Ninth Circuit on
appeal has affirmed Judge Wol-
lenberg's disposition: Brunwasser
`intends to proceed with what the
`federal courts ha ve: stipulated,
that is, request the Nevada courts
`to overrule `their previous: deci-
sions and consider Pate's petition,
even though he is not within the -
State of Nevada. If.they refuse -
to do so, then the federal courts
have said: they: will consider the
"merits `of -the case. The ACLUNC
believes: that: this: is: an. unfor- -
.tunate burden for habeas corpus
"applicants; but that. the case is
Civil Rights. Under Law.
Public Service
Tuttle, who has already taken
up his. duties, directs a legal staff
of salaried: and volunteered law-
yers. drawn from. prominent law
firms across the United States.
A former professor of law and
Deputy District. Attorney of Plac-
er County, Tuttle served as a
pilot in World War II, and later
became a prisoner of war,. AS
Chief Counsel for the California
Public Utilities Commission, last
year he successfully defended
before the State Supreme Court ~
the largest cut in telephone rates ~
ever ordered by the Commission.
Committee's Background
The Lawyers' Committee was
formed. in 1963 at the request -
of President Kennedy and is
headquartered in Washington,
D.C. It opened the Jackson of-
fice on June 2 to provide defense
counsel for civil rights advocates.
Mississippi has few. Negro law-
yers, and white lawyers have
rarely been willing to accept civil
rights cases. The Jackson office
has already represented hun-
dreds of defendants. Its lawyers
briefed and argued motions that
resulted on June 29 in an in-
junction by the U. S. Court of |
Appeals for the Fifth Circuit
forbidding enforcement of three
Jackson ordinances that banned .
marches, demonstrations and dis-
.tribution. of pamphlets.
The Board of Commissioners
of the Mississippi State Bar has
endorsed the. Lawyers' Commit-
tee program. It has also appoint-
ed a liaison officer who, works
with the Jackson office.
not sufficiently important, `to take
`to the United States Supreme
- Court, and. so the decision -will
stand.
~ ACLUNC
us Driver
Case Decided
In a most unusual case
volunteer attorney
Henry Saunders has represented
a bus driver, Olen Hollon, in a
Shasta County Superior Court
- action to attempt to get Hollon
reinstated after he was fired by
the Board of Trustees of Shasta
`Union High School District. Hol-
lon, a non-tenure employee, was
- dismissed when his name_ap-
peared as co-author of a reli-
gious tract entitled "The `Upper
Room' of Babylon." After read-
ing this tract the School District
became concerned about Hol-
lon's mental balance and did not
offer him a renewal contract.
_ Psychiatric Exams
After the Board fired Hollon -
he submitted to psychiatric ex-
amination by a local psychiatrist
who concluded: "Whereas these
tests indicate some very minor
areas of guilt feelings and minor
areas of conflict, there is no evi-
dence in the clinical interview
nor from these tests to indicate
that he has a. neurotic or psy-
chotic or psychopathic or psy-
chosomatic, paranoid or depres-
sive disease." The report also re-
vealed that Hollon had not writ-
ten the religious tract but only
put his name to it because he
subscribed to its views. The
Board received the psychiatrist's
report but took no action.
Hollon then complained to the
State Fair Employment Prac-
tices Commission which had him
examined by another psychia-
trist who reported, "It is diffi-
cult to put any specific psycho-
pathological diagnosis on this
man... his religious views re-
flect his personality, to be sure,
but these are also views shared
by some groups and, although
this may represent a minority of
people, it cannot be considered
psychotic or dangerous."
FEPC took no action, evidently
being unsure of its authority.
The trial judge, Richard B.
Eaton, read the religious tract
and concluded: "The theological
opinions stated, startling though
they may be to the average ear,
are not new, nor are they. pecu-
liar to the author of this work.
The book shares certain ideas
with various present-day sects
which. shall be nameless, as well
as with the Millerites (flour-
ished 1843), with the Ember Day
Bryanites (founded 1717), and
even with John Knox (died
1572),.whom the author of the
present work seems to _ think
well of. Apocalyptic opinions
and religious zealotry often
The
Proposition 14 Briefs
Available
The Summer 1965 issue
of Law Commentary en-
titled "Three Briefs on
Proposition 14 in the Cali-
fornia Supreme Court," is
available from the ACLU-
NC office. The price is
$3.00.
It contains three briefs
discussing the constitu-
tionality of Proposition 14.
seem to go together, but they do
not generally lead to suicide or
homicide in anticipation of
Judgment Day; nor are they to
be taken as proof of dementia (c)
on the part of the average be-
liever therein."
Sanity, Not Theology
The trial court recognized that
it would be unconstitutional to
fire Hollon for his religious ~
views even though he had no
tenure. However, the court con-
cluded that Hollon was fired not
for his theology but because of
doubt as to his sanity. Judge
Eaton wrote: "The Board, with
the safety of whole busloads of
children weighing heavily upon
its conscience, was entitled to
resolve its doubts about peti-
tioner by failing to rehire a non-
tenure employee . . . The Board
has reasonable cause to believe,
and honestly did believe, that
petitioner might be mentally un-
balanced." For this reason the
court sustained the Board's ac-
tion in failing to rehire Mr.
: Hollon.
ACLUNC has supported Hol-
lon because it believes that re-
ligious views should not be taken
into account in the hiring or fir-
ing of a government employee.
ACLUNC does not quarrel with
the decision to remove a person
from a job involving the lives of
others where..there is some
doubt about his mental stability.
However, when such doubts are
resolved in favor of the em-
ployee's sanity and reports of
two independent ' psychiatrists
have not turned up anything
which might indicate that the
person involved has any danger-
ous tendencies, then there is no
longer any ground for eon
ing his sanity.
Appeal Possible
. Judge Eaton appears to have
held that since at one time there
was reasonable doubt as to Hol-
lon's sanity, his firing was valid,
even though this doubt was later
removed. Consideration is now
being given to appealing Judge
Eaton's decision to the District
Court of Appetit to resolve this
question.
The American Civil Liberties
Union is supporting the attack
on the right of five Mississippi
Congressmen -to hold their posi-
tions in view' of `the deliberate
and widespread denial of the
vote to Negroes in` Mississippi.
In a remarkable turnout of
legal manpower, volunteer at-
torneys from all over the coun-
try collected depositions in: Mis- _
sissippi from Negro voters who
had been prevented from voting,
and from white government offi-
cials who prevented the Negroes
from voting. `The depositions
have been printed by the Clerk
of the House of. Representatives
`and it is expected. that a com-_
mittee of the House will con-
sider the challenge soon.
-ACLUNC Action
- Last month ACLU's Mt. Diab- .
`Io Chapter, with financial assist- .
ance. from `the | Branch | Office, .
sent attorney Harry Lohstrouh
`insisting -
`elected
seated.
to Sa carla: D.C., to. speak .to
Congressmen concerning the
challenge. Lohstrouh was one of
the attorneys who took deposi-
tions in Mississippi and has per- -
sonal knowledge of the facts. He
estimates that at least 80 percent
of the Congressmen were per-
sonally visited by members of
the team that went to Washing-
ton and that a large proportion
of the Congressmen reacted
favorably. Soon each: Congress-
man will have to face the per-
sonal decision as to whether he
will support the challenge or
will endorse the right of Con-
_ gressmen. elected by intimida-
tion of Negroes to hold their
Seats. |
ACLU members can. make
their voices heard by writing to
their Congressmen, no matter of .
what political. persuasion, and
that the illegally
representatives "not be
; promptly answered:
Continued from Page 1-. .
contacted Mr. Kishbaugh, dis-
covered that Kishbaugh had not
seen the play and had acted on
information received by teles.
phone from the San Francisco |
Park and Reccentreation Commis-
sion. He claimed authority for
his action under Section 4315 of
the Administrative Code which
provides in part "No person |
shall use... . indecent language
or make indecent gestures. in the .
state park system ...."
Both Hugo Fisher, Adminis.
trator of the State .Resources
Agency, and Acting Governor
Glenn _
Fred L. Jones, Director of the
California Department of Parks:
and Recreation, rescinded Kish-
baugh's ban on the Mime Troupe
on the basis that he had acted
information..
without adequate
Jones asked the sponsoring or-
ganization, the Athenium Arts
Foundation, to screen the Mime
Troupe's script to see that it
contained nothing indecent.
However, that organization.
bravely refused to act as a
censor.
Representatives of "fhe State
Parks and Recreation Depart
ment were present at the Sun-
day performance. They taped
and filmed the show with the
evident intention of determining
whether or not an indecent per-
formance had been put on.
Meantime, the ACLU had writ-
ten Jones, requesting him to re-
fer the question of the interpre-*
tation of Sec. 4315 to the At-
torney General for an opinion
and had informed Jones that the
regulation appeared to apply
only to the senseless. profanity
and crudeness in which young
people sometimes indulge and
which has no pretension to be
anything other than vulgar
conduct. "It would be very sur-
prising . .. if this regulation
were interpreted to apply to
musical `events; theatrical per-
formances, speakers and other
such organized events at the
state parks. If it were so in-
terpreted, a special board would.
have to be set up within the De-
partment to evaluate each in-
tended activity in the parks to
determine whether it did or did
not contain indecent language
or gestures," it wrote. It was
further noted that "This Board
might find some difficulty in ap-
proving much of the more mod-
ern artistic activity as well as
many of the plays of Shake-*
speare and the Greek /drama-
tists."
Attorney General's Opinion.
_ Jones submitted the question
to the Attorney General who
"It is our
opinion that the above provi-
sions of Section 4315 were not
intended to establish any cen-
sorship of musical events, the-
atrical performances, speakers
and other such organized events
presented in the state parks un-
der special events permits." This
seems to end the censorship' ad-
ventures of the State of Califor-
nia.
No doubt the Mime `Troupe
will `suffer' further indignities
because of `the narrow-minded _
activities of the San' Francisco
Park and. Recreation Commis-
sion acting under an ordinance
which we are certain will be
held unconstitutional: It `is re-
grettable that volunteer boards
of citizens believe that their
tastes and sensibilities must gov-
ern the availability of artistic
performances to: the - Pune ae
large.
ACLU NEWS
SEPTEMBER, 1965
, Page 3
M. Anderson were con-'.
taeted and they agreed to find.
out how and why the state was'
censoring plays. Later that day'
By MICHAEL TIGAR
The 1964 Term of the U. S.
Supreme Court produced many
important decisions in the fields
of civil liberties, civil rights, and
criminal proceedure. This is a
necessarily abridged review of
the more important of those
cases, a number of which were
supported by ACLU affiliates.
Freedom of Expression
In Garrison v. Louisiana, a
unanimous Court held a district
attorney's criticism of local
criminal court judges as lazy, in-
efficient and dishonest to be pro-
tected by the First Amendment.
The DA had been tried and con-
victed of criminal libel for his
remarks. Six members of the
Court held that the doctrine of
New York Times v. Sullivan
(that libel of public officials is
protected by the First Amend-
ment from civil suit unless ac-
tual malice is shown) applied.
Justices Black, Douglas, and
Goldberg stated that all criti-
cisms of public officials' per-
formance of their duties should
be protected by the First Amend-
ment.
Freedom to criticize was also
upheld in Holt v. Virginia. Eight
members of the Court voted to
reverse the contempt of court
convictions of two Negro attor-
neys who, in a written motion,
alleged during a trial that the
trial judge was biased. The Vir-
ginia Court of Appeals called
the motion "a studied attempt to
smear the judge." The Supreme
Court held that the contempt
citation, on the basis of the lan-
guage used, threatened the right
of counsel to defend his client
and violated due process. Justice
Harlan dissented.
In two picketing cases a sharp-
ly divided Court found. that Lou-
isiana had abridged the First
Amendment rights of civil rights
leader Rev. B. Elton Cox by con-
victing him of breach of the
peace and obstructing public pas-
sages, and, in addition, had vio-
lated due process by convicting
him of picketing near a court-
house. Justice Goldberg, for the
majority in the two cases,. said
that the Louisiana breach of the
peace statute was unconstitu-
tional under the First Amend-
ment as it could be used to pun-
ish peaceful expression of un-
popular views. The. "obstructing
public passages" conviction was
held barred by the First Amend-
ment because city authorities
could and did permit or prohibit
parades in their uncontrolled
discretion.
Justice Black concurred espe-
cially on the grounds that: (1)
the breach of the peace statute
was unconstitutionally vague;
and, (2) since the "obstructing
public passages" statute express-
ly permitted labor union picket-
ing, it was unconstitutional cen-
sorship and denied equal protec-
tion of the laws. Justice Clark
coneurred on equal. protection
grounds. Justices White and Har-
lan concurred in reversing the
breach of the peace conviction
on First Amendment grounds,
put dissented from the reversal
of the obstructing conviction on
the ground that the statute had
not been used an an "open-end"'
licensing statute, as the majority
contended. :
Five members of the Court
held that because the state of-
ficials had given Cox permission
to demonstrate, his conviction
for picketing near a courthouse
was invalid; that to convict him
of a crime for doing so was a
form of entrapment forbidden by
- the due process clause of the
Fourteenth Amendment. Justices
Black, Harlan and White dis-
sented on the ground that offi-
cials cannot authorize illegal
ACLU NEWS
SEPTEMBER, 1965
Page 4
conduct, and that the evidence
showed any permission given
was later revoked. Justice Clark,
in dissenting stated that the evi-
dence supported the conviction.
In Freedman v: Maryland, the
whole Court joined in striking
down Maryland's movie censor-
ship law.
Freedman was convicted of
showing a movie without first
obtaining a license from the
State Board of Censors. Seven
Justices held that while movies
may: not be protected by the
First Amendment to the same
degree as other forms of expres-
sion, the Maryland statute was
unconstitutional because: (1) if
the censor disapproved of a film,
the exhibitor had to initiate
court proceedings and prove the
film was protected. expression;
(2) once the censor had acted,
the film could not be shown un-
til all judicial review had taken
place; and, (3) there was no as-
surance of prompt judicial re-
view. Justices Douglas and Black
concurred, saying that movies
are entitled to the same First
Amendment protection as any
other form of expression and
should therefore be free from
all censorship.
In another important case, the
Court struck down a mail cen-
sorship statute in an ACLUNC.-
sponsored case, Heilberg v. Fixa
(see ACLU NEWS, July, 1965).
Freedom of Association
In Dombrowski v. Pfister, the
Court held Louisiana's anti-sub-
versive legislation unconstitu-
tional. Under one law, taking
part in "any subversive organ-
ization" was made a felony. Jus-
tice Brennan held it too vague.
Another law, making it a crime
to fail to register as a member
of a Communist-front organiza-
tion (as defined by the Attorney
General's List, the Subversive
Activities Control Board, or any
Congressional Committee), was
held to deny due process because
it did not require a hearing to
determine that an organization
was "Communist-front." Justices
Harlan and Clark dissented on
federal procedural grounds.
Two cases involving federal
registration laws, American
Committee for the Protection of
`the Foreign Born v. SACB and
Veterans of the Abraham Lin-
coln Brigade v. SACB, the Court
remanded to the Subversive Ac-
tivities Control Board on the
ground that the record in each
case was too stale to permit de-
cision of the constitutional ques-
tions raised. Justice Black dis-
sented in both cases, saying the
Court should decide the cases
and declare the Subversive Ac-
tivities Control Act unconstitu-
tional. Justices Douglas and Har-
lan dissented merely on the
ground the Court should decide
the case, and expressed no views
on the constitutional issue.
In another ACLUNC-supported
ease, United States v. Brown, the
Supreme Court held a law for-
bidding communists to be unien
officers unconstitutional as a
bill of attainder (see ACLU
NEWS, July, 1965).
Right to Travel
In Zemel v. Rusk, a U. S. citi-
zen sued Secretary of State Rusk
to compel validation of his pass-
port for travel to Cuba as a
tourist. A six-member majority
of the Supreme Court denied re-
lief holding that: (1) the Pass-
port Act of 1926 authorizes the
Executive branch to impose area
restrictions on travel; (2) the
refusal to validate a passport for
travel to Cuba infringes neither
the First Amendment's guaran-
tee of free speech, nor the Fifth
Amendment's guarantee of due
process; and, (3) the 1926 Act
contains standards which are
specific enough to be constitu-
tional. The majority did not con-
sider or decide either the valid-
ity of possible criminal liability
for violating the Cuba travel ban,
or the question of invalidating
passports for unauthorized trav-
el to Cuba. Justice Black dis-
sented on the ground that the
1926 Act was an invalid grant of
legislative power to the Execu-
tive. To Justice Douglas, the
right to travel is a First Amend-
ment right (not a Fifth Amend-
ment right as the Court held),
and it was infringed by Rusk's
action. Justice Goldberg dissent-
ed on the ground that the right
to make area restrictions on trav-
el was not granted to the Ex-
ecutive by the 1926 Act.
Right of Privacy
In Griswold v. Connecticut,
Justice Douglas, speaking for
five members of the Court, held
the Connecticut statute making
it a crime to use contraceptives
was unconstitutional because it
violated the "right of privacy"
guarantees of the First, Third,.
Fourth, Fifth, and Ninth Amend-
ments. (See August, 1965, ACLU
NEWS.) Justices Goldberg, War-
ren and Brennan agreed with
Douglas but joined in a separate
opinion by Justice Goldberg:
They stated that the Fourteenth
Amendment's guarantee of liber-
ty required the states to do more
than merely respect the rights
enumerated in the first eight
Amendments. Justice Harlan con-
curred in the decision, stating
that the Connecticut law vio-
lated the concept of "ordered
liberty" secured by the Four-
teenth Amendment.
Civil Rights
In Heart of Atlanta Motel v.
U. S. and Katzenbach v. Mce-
Clung, the Court found sections
of Title II (public accommoda-
tions) of the Civil Rights Act of
1964 to be constitutional, and
that the two businesses con-
cerned were sufficiently in-
volved in interstate commerce to
be covered by the questioned
provisions of the Act. The Court
rested its decision on the power
of Congress to regulate inter-
state commerce. In Justice
Black's view, the decision should
also have rested on the "neces-
sary and proper" clause of Ar-
ticle I of the Constitution. Jus-
tices Douglas and Goldberg ex-
pressed the view that Congres-
sional power to enact the law
could also be drawn from. sec-
tion 5 of the Fourteenth Amend-
ment. :
In the ralated case of Hamm
v. City Rock Hill the Court held,
5-4, that the passage of Title II
of the Civil Rights Act "abated"
the prosecutions of civil rights
demonstrators who had sought
service at places now required
to serve them by the 1964 Act.
Justices Harlan, Stewart, White,
and Black dissented.
In McLaughlin v. Florida, the
Court held that a Florida stat-
ute prohibiting cohabitation by
persons of different races vio-
lated the equal protection
clause. Justices Stewart and
Douglas: concurred, expressing
the view that all state laws
which make criminality turn on
the race of persons are invalid.
While the new Voting Rights
Bill will have a profound impact
on the law developed in the
Court's 1964 voting decisions, the
following decisions are certainly
worthy of note. In Louisiana v.
United States, the Court affirmed
a lower court decision invalidat-
ing Louisiana's voter registra-
tion test on che ground that it
had been unfairly applied to
Negroes. In Harmon v. Forssen-
ius, the Court invalidated Vir-
ginia's poll tax on the ground
that it conflicted with the pro-
visions of the newly adopted
Twenty-Fourth Amendment. In
Carrington v. Rash, the Court
held that a Texas law restricting
the right of servicemen to vote
violated the equal protection
-`munist Party of Texas.
clause of the Fourteenth Amend-
ment.
Reapportionment
In Fortson v. Dorsey, eight
members of the Court voted to
uphold Georgia's state senate
apportionment plan. The plan
makes each eounty a district, and
-apportions senators among the
counties on the basis of popula-
tion. Under this system, in those
counties entitled to more than
one senator, all senators in that
county are elected in a county-
wide election. The majority held
that in the absence of any alle-
gations of population disparity,
or of racial or political discrim-
ination, such apportionment is
valid. Justice Douglas dissented
on the ground that the classifi-
cations used y Georgia authori-
ties were irrational. In.several
other cases the Court stood firm
in its holding that the Four-
teenth Amendment requires
both houses of state legislatures
to be apportioned on the basis of
population.
Search and Seizure
The 1961 decision of Mapp v.
Ohio that in criminal trials
states must exclude evidence ob-
tained in violation of the Fourth
Amendment was held not retro-
active in Linkletter v. Walker
(the original conviction in which
had been finally decided before
1961). Prisoners whose convic-
tions became final before Mapp
cannot, therefore, obtain new
trials on the ground of illegally-
admitted evidence. Justices
Black and Douglas dissented.
In One 1958 Plymouth Sedan
v. Pennsylvania, the Court held
the Mapp rule applies in a state
trial to forfeit a vehicle alleged
to have carried contraband.
Justice Black concurred, stating
that the Fifth Amendment
guarantee against self-incrimina-
tion ought also to be applied.
In U.S, v. Venitresea, the
Court reiterated the require-
ments for establishing probable
cause for the issuance of a
. search warrant. Seven justices
believed that the government in-
vestigators had established prob-
able cause. Chief Justice War-
ren and Justice Douglas dis-
sented. In Beck v. Ohio, the
Court dealt with the problem of
a search without a _ warrant,
made incident to an arrest, and
held the state officers lacked
probable cause for the arrest
and that the search was, there-
fore, illegal.
Stanford v. Texas, while deal-
ing with search and seizure, il-
lustrates the connection between
the Fourth and First Amend-
ments. Here Texas officials had
seized 2000 books, pamphlets,
and papers on the basis of a gen-
eral warrant issued on the affi-
davit of a county district at-
torney that he had good reason
to believe that Stanford kept
material dealing with the Com-
The
Court unanimously held the
search warrant was far too gen-
eral to satisfy the Fourth
Amendment's requirement that
the warrant particularly de-
scribe the things to be seized.
The opinion vigorously con-
demned the procedure used, and
noted the danger to _ First
Amendment rights when the ob-
jects to be seized are books.
Criminal Procedure
In Pointer v. Texas and Doug-
las v. Alabama, seven members
of the court joined opinions
holding that the Sixth Amend-
ment's guarantee of confronta-
tion and cross-examination in a
criminal trial is applicable to
the states through the due proc-
ess clause of the Fourteenth
Amendment. Justices. Harlan
and Stewart agreed with the re-
versals of convictions in each
case, but did not go along with
s, 1964
J
the majority's reasoning on in-
corporation of the Sixth Amend-
ment.
In Griffin v. California, the
Court extended its ruling of last
term that the Fifth Amend-
ment's. self-incrimination pro-
vision is applicable to the states.
It held, 63, that a California
constitutional provision allowing
the prosecutor to comment on
the defendant's failure to testify
infringed the self-incrimination
privilege. Justice Harlan filed'a
separate opinion concurring "re-
luctantly." Justices Stewart and
White dissented.
In Estes v. Texas, the Court
held that the famous trial of
Billie Sol Estes had become so
famous that it was unfair, Five
members of the Court held that
in view of the notoriety of the
trail, due process was dertied by
allowing a telecast and radio
broadcast of the proceedings.
Justices Warren, Douglas, and
Goldberg joined the majority
opinion, but also expressed the
view that televising any criminal
trial denies the defendant's
rights under the Sixth and
Fourteenth Amendments. Jus-
tice Harlan concured in the
Court's opinion expressly on the
basis that the trial had great
notoriety.
Justices Stewart, Black, Bren-
nan and White dissented on the
ground that televising a trial
does not violate the accused's
constitutional rights. According
to Justices White and Brennan
it was premature to promulgate
a flat ban on the use of TV
cameras in courtrooms. Justice
Brennan took care to note that
only four members of the Court
favored such a flat ban.
In Turner v. Louisiana, the
Court held that allowing deputy
sheriffs who were important
prosecution witnesses to frater-
nize with the jurors in a murder
`trial denied the defendants due
process of law,
Singer v. United States and
Swain v. Alabama decided two
important questions dealing with
jury trials. In Singer, the Court
unanimously held that the de-
fendant's right to a jury trial is
not violated by a federal rule
requiring the prosecutor's and
judge's consent to the defend-
ant's waiver of a jury.
In Swain v. Alabama _ the
Court held, 6-3, that an Alabama
prosecutor's use of the peremp-
tory challenge to exclude all Ne-
groes from a jury in a criminal
ease did not deny due process or
equal protection. The majority ~
stressed that the' government's
peremptory challenge, allowing
the prosecutor to remove pros-
pective jurors without assigning
any cause, had a long history.
Also, that long-term consistent
use of the peremptory challenge
to remove Negroes was not
shown. Justices Goldberg, War-_
ren and Douglas dissented.
Correspondence
Continued from Page 3-
mands of the Civil Rights move-
ment. The passage in full is Gin
paragraph 3 of Mr. Matson's let-
ter, above).
My point is simply that the
goals of the Civil Rights move-
ment overlap, but are not iden-
tical with, the civil liberties tra-
ditionally defended by ACLU. I
regret having made my point in
a manner that (I now see) rather
lends itself to misinterpretation.
However, the words underlined
cannot in grammar refer to any-
thing but "the so-called Civil
Rights movement."
Wallace I. Matson