vol. 37, no. 6

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Published by the American Civil Liberties Union of Northern California


Volume XXXVII


San Francisco, July - August, 1972


No. 6


Bank Secrecy Act


Is Restrained


The nationwide temporary restraining


order, issued June 30 to prohibit im-


plementation of the Bank Secrecy Act,


was corttinued July 17 by a three-judge


Federal Court, which took the matter


under submission. The restraining order is


against the government disclosure


requirements only, allowing the


requirement of filmed records on all


checks until the merits of the con-


stitutional argument are ruled on.


U.S. District Judge William T.


Sweigert, who had issued the TRO, was


joined on the panel by U.S. District Judge


William G. East of Oregon and Oliver D.


Hamblin, U.S. Circuit Court Judge.


The Court heard from Legal Director


Charles Marson and from Board member


A plaintiff in the Bank Secrecy Act -


Suit is Fortney H. Stark, Jr., President


of Walnut Creek's Security National


Bank, Democratic Congressional


Candidate from the Eighth District,


and former ACLU-NC Board Member.


and volunteer attorney Neil Horton, who


said the act imposes ``wholesale invasion


of privacy on millions of individuals for the


government's purpose of obtaining in-


formation about a handful of tax or


criminal violators.'' arson said it


amounted to `"`exploitation of a regulated


industry to make banks government spies


on their customers.'' =


The California Bankers Association has


filed a companion suit, and the Court


heard their attorney John Anderson state


that compliance would


million checks a~ month in California


alone, at an estimated cost to the banks of


$50,000.


Anderson also pointed out that an


assurance of privacy is a bank service and


that they have no wish to violate it. He


said, ``We don't want to be a diarist of our


customers financial affairs, we don't want


to be someone's Boswell."'


In reply the attorney for Department of


Justice's tax division, John J. McCarthy,


simply stated that no right of privacy


exists for bank customers and_ their


financial records.


_ Ina legislative development to maintain


financial records privacy, California


Senator John V. Tunney introduced a bill


on July 20 which he described as ``an


insurance policy against unwarranted and


improper intrusion by anyone, including


government, into a person's bank-life.''


The bill would permit banks to provide


customers' records only:


involve 250


-When the customer gives his con-


sent, or


-When a subpoena is served on the


customer, or


-When a court order is issued, based


on a showing of ``probable cause.''


In reference to the government's


contention that bank customers have no


tight of privacy, Tunney states, ``It is


very apparent that our government, with


its insatiable appetite for information, has


an incredible lack of sensitivity concerning


the people's right to be let alone.''


Executive Director Jay A. Miller had


written both Senators Tunney and


Cranston in April calling for such


legislation following a Bay Area incident


of FBI surveillance of bank records


California Senator John V. Tunney


has introduced legislation which is


designed to prevent improper in-


trusion into financial records. More


details on the bill are on Page 7.


without proper authorization.


ACLU members will shortly be


receiving a letter from Senator Tunney


explainirly his bill, which is being sent


through ACLU's mailing house. More


details on the bill are on page 7.


The national ACLU has also filed suit


challenging the Bank Secrecy -Act, in


early July in Washington DC. They are in


conversation with the American Bankers


Association about filing a companion suit,


although no final decision has been


reached at this time.


ACLU Executive Director Aryeh Neier


sent letters to the nation's 100 largest


banks last April expressing concern over


the role banks have been playing in the


government's increasing surveillance of


citizens. He stated that, ``many banks


voluntarily allow agents of the govern-


ment - police, FBI agents, investigators


for Congressional committees - to


examine at will the records of individual


and organizational accounts, without the


permission or indeed the knowledge of any


of the people involved.''


ACLU's challenge to the Bank Secrecy


Act has received nationwide attention -


even worldwide, to quote Wirtschafts


publicist Dr. Eckard Paul Imhof, ``Nach-


demdie Jokale fresse uber die Klage der


ACLU berichtet hatte, die die Aufhenb-


vugeines angeblich verfassungswidri-


gen,' and he goes on like that for three or


four columns in the Basler Nachrichten.


Death Penalty:


The U.S. Supreme Court ended its


current session with a monumental


decision on June 29, Furman v. Georgia,


holding that the death penalty was a cruel


and unusual punishment forbidden by the


Eighth and Fourteenth Amendments, at


least where death was imposed under


statutes authorizing its discretionary


imposition.


How They Voted


The five Justices comprising the


majority wrote separate opinions. Justices


Brennan and Marshall took the position


that ``the death penalty is constitutionally


impermissible in all circumstances under


the Eighth and Fourteenth Amend-


ments.' Mr. Justice Stewart, while


recognizing that the ``case is a strong


one' for this position found it ``un-


necessary to reach (that) . . . ultimate


question."' The ultimate question would


be raised, he wrote, if mandatory as well


as discretionary death sentences were


before the Court. Since they were not, he


concluded only that the discretionary form


of death-sentencing was unconstitutional.


`Mr. Justice Douglas also condemned


discretionary capital punishment,


reserving the question ``(w)hether a


mandatory death penalty would . . . be


constitutional'? assuming that it were


even-handedly enforced.


Finally, Mr. Justice White agreed that


the discretionary aspect of capital punish-


ment rendered it unconstitutionally cruel


and unusual, putting aside only the


question of ``the facial constitutionality of


statutes requiring the imposition of the


death penalty for first degree murder, for


more narrowly defined categories of


munder or for rape. 1


The conclusion is inescapable that the


Supreme Court of the United States -


however close the vote - has forbidden


discretionary death sentencing. ``This


much seems apparent,'' as the Chief


Justice wrote for the four dissenters, "`if


the legislatures are to continue to


authorize capital punishment for some


crimes, juries and judges can no longer be


permitted to make the sentencing


determination in the same manner they


have in the past."'


What About the


Initiative?


Coming immediately after an initiative


qualified to be placed on California's


November ballot to reinstate the death


penalty, the high court's decision raises


serious questions on its legality.


The initiative measure would resurrect


all of the California death penalty statutes


as they existed on February 17, 1972,


when the California Supreme Court struck


them down as violative of this state


constitution's ``cruel or unusual punish-


ment'' clause.


However, the principal death penalty


Death Penalty


_ Statutes the initiative seeks to reinstate - .


those under which no doubt over 90 per


cent of death sentences are imposed - are


statutes which allow for discretionary


death or imprisonment sentences for


murder, kidnaping or sabotage. These the


U.S. Supreme Court has clearly forbidden.


What would be the meaning or effect


of passage of the initiative?


No one really knows for sure. But it


seems clear to the ACLU that it is a waste


of taxpayer's money to vote on a measure


that is substantially unconstitutional and


one whose effect might be essentially quite


different from what many who favor it and


vote for it assume.


What can we do?


One action ACLU has taken was to file


Levit v. Brown on July 19 in the State


Supreme Court, requesting that the


initiative not be placed on the November


ballot.


Even those favoring the death penalty


agree that the initiative can not do what it


says, now that the Supreme Court ruled


Who Will Decide?


out discretionary death sentencing. But


they argue that passage of this measure


would reinstate mandatory death- sen-


tencing and that would make it


worthwhile.


Since mandatory death statutes are


mainly for some rather strange and


unusual crimes (no one has ever been


convicted under most of them), spending


tens of thousands of dollars to decide the


question would be a gross misuse of


taxpayer's money.


Those crimes which carry a mandatory


death penalty are:


e The seemingly impossible offense of


treason against the State of California;


@ That most astounding of all capital


offenses - which simultaneously admits


the fallibility of human judicial process


and attaches irremediable consequences to


it - the capital crime of procuring the


execution of an innocent man by perjury


in a capital case; :


e Deadly assault by a life-term inmate


on a non-inmate;


e Train-wrecking resulting in injury.


But the ballot proposition, as now


stated, would not provide a clear vote on


even this question. A voter who believes


' capital punishment should be permitted


only if the jury has the right to reduce the


penalty in specific cases might vote for the


initiative, since its language claims that is


its effect, not realizing that the Supreme


Court's decision has knocked the sections


out that he favored. A voter surely has the


right to expect that his vote will be


counted for or against a proposition as it


appears on the ballot, not on some revised


proposition to be reconstructed later from


bits and pieces of the original, giving it an


entirely different meaning.


The ACLU suit points out that courts


have previously held illegal such artificial


slicing up of initiatives to remove voided


portions that were an integral part of what


was voted on.


What else can we do?


On an issue as important as this one, we


must use all available means to insure


success. This means we have to get started


right away letting the public know the


facts on this ballot proposition. No money


is available for an expensive advertising


campaign. This means that the word must


get out by each of us telling his neighbors


and friends, by you requesting that we


send a speaker to your club or


organization, by the kind of grass roots


work that seems so slow and exhausting,


but has proven so successful in many


campaigns. _


The ACLU, through the Coalition to


End the Death Penalty, is now organizing


for such an effort. We need a lot of


volunteer help... your help. Let us know


you'll help. Call 781-2597 or mail us the


following coupon:


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LEGAL


Recently, All Wins


We have had a string of wins this


summer by our volunteer and staff at-


torneys, which we are always pleased to


report.


Flag Burning


The California 3rd District Court of


Appeal has struck down the state flag


desecration law in Alford v. Municipal


Court, a case argued over a year ago by


Sacramento volunteer Joseph Samuel.


The unanimous decision overturned


both Municipal and Superior Court


decisions, ruling the First Amendment


was violated by section 614(d) of the -


Military and Veterans Code which


provided that whoever ``Publicly


mutilates, defaces, defiles or tramples any


(American) flag'' is guilty of a


misdemeanor.


Presiding Justice Fred Pierce stated


that, ``Loyalty to the state of one's


residence is a usual and desirable social


behavior. But legislative prohibition of


defacement of a state flag has a First


Amendment implication. Any person has


the right to dislike the state within which


he lives and to say so."'


The court took note of the thousands of


flag-depicted articles, from auto decals, to


martini decorations, that made the law


suffer from overbreadth.


Michael L. Alford was one of two 19-


year-old Sacramentans accused of burning


an American flag on the steps of the state


Capitol Building during an anti-war


demonstration May 8, 1970.


Right to Transcript


The California Supreme Court also


ruled in our favor in March v. Municipal


Court, in which Legal Director Charles


Marson filed an amicus curiae brief. The


case was remanded to the trial court to


reconsider the indigent misdemeanant's


motion for a transcript at public expense,


with both reasons for its original denial


overturned.


This win was helped greatly by a


decision last December of the U. S.


Supreme Court in Mayer v. City of


Chicago, which had the effect of shifting


the burden of proof of need for a complete


transcript, versus some summary


alternative, from the indigent to the state.


This Court points out that Mayer reverses


Magezis on which the trial court's


decision -was based, a case we carried and


lost a couple of years ago.


The Court also flatly rejected the lower


Court's novel contention that Rachel


March. et al, arrestees from San Francisco


State College's ``mass bust,'' were not


indigents because they were students, and


could quit school, get a job, earn some


money and then afford to buy the tran-


script. The decision states, `"The relevant


consideration in determining indigency is


whether the petitioner's current financial


status affords him equal access to the legal


_ process. Such a determination cannot


include an evaluation of the appellant's


future earning potential or even his


present potential had he chosen to employ


himself in a more financially rewarding ~


manner."


Police Brutality


General Counsel Ephraim Margolin


reports success in a case he handled as an


ACLU volunteer attorney involving


Berkeley police brutality. The win took


the form of an out-of-court settlement for


the victim of $1250.


Details of the case are reminiscent of


charges of police brutality of the press at


last May's anti-war demonstrations in


Berkeley and San Francisco. It involves


New York Human Rights Commissioner


Jonathan Strong, who chanced to be in


Berkeley on May 5, 1970 at the scene of a


public gathering to which police were


called.


Strong had a camera with him, and took


pictures of police using what he considered


to be excessive force to detain someone.


The police then turned on him and took


his camera away, inflicting bruises and a


black eye in the process. Fortunately for


Strong, another bystander also had a


camera and caught this action.


Strong was highly appreciative of the


ACLU efforts on his behalf, and has made


a donation to the ACLU Foundation.


Long Hair


Michael C. Tobriner, California Rural


Legal Assistance attorney in Healdsburg,


advises that he and Sonoma County at-


torney Jay Cantor appeared as volunteer


ACLU counsel in a hearing on an


unemployment insurance claim for Robert


M. O'Brian of Santa Rosa.


The Referee's decision was that


O'Brian's long hair and beard did not


constitute an unwillingness to accept any


employment without restrictions, noting


that he had always been willing to alter his


"appearance to satisfy any potential em-


ployer's requirements, and had bought a


wig for that express purpose.


The decision pointed out that while a


Department survey showed some em-


ployers in O'Brian's field had a reluctance


to hire someone with long hair or a beard,


other employers indicate an indifference to


the worker's appearance and are primarily


concerned with production and good


work.


Reference was made to ACLU-NC's


favorable decision in Hugh King v.


Unemployment Insurance Appeals Board,


which the California Supreme Court has


just upheld by denying hearing. In this


case the Court of Appeals stated ``A beard


for a man is an expression of his per-


sonality . . . a symbol of masculinity, of


authority, and of wisdom .. . (or) a symbol


of non-conformity and rebellion. Symbols


under appropriate circumstances merit


constitutional protection.'


Prison Rules


General Counsel Paul Halvonik was a


plaintiff in a suit won by Public Ad-


vocates, Inc., which challenged


rulemaking procedures of the Department


of Corrections and the Adult Authority.


Sacramento Superior Court Judge


William Gallagher held that these


agencies, which run California's prison


system, should promulgate new


regulations according to provisions of the


Administrative Procedure Act (such as


holding public hearings), as other state


agencies must.


The attorneys bringing the suit ex-


plained that, in the past, even finding out


what regulations the two departments


have has been nearly impossible for at-


torneys representing prisoners.


Raymond Procunier, Director of the


Department of Corrections, has said that


`the state will appeal.


_ If the judge's ruling holds, all ae rules


and regulations of the prisons (many of |


which are very arbitrary and capricious)


will be struck cown. Halvonik feels that


because of the public scrutiny that will


now be on the rules, the departments may


abandon some of their ``Mickey Mouse


regulations."'


=


July - August


aclu NEWS


New Legal Staff


The office is filled this summer with


many new legal faces including one new


staff attorney and four summer interns.


Joining us full-time is Peter Sheehan,


who first came on the staff part-time last


winter on a Coro Foundation Internship.


This program provides young people,


many of whom are still students, with


practical public service experience while


they are receiving subsistence level in-


come. When the Internship expired the


experience was mutually satisfactory


enough that the ACLU Foundation


Fellowship was established, and Sheehan


became its first recipient. He was admitted


to the California Bar this January.


Sheehan was graduated from Boalt


Hall Law School last year, after re-


ceiving his B.A. in political science from


San Jose State in 1968. While at Boalt he


was on Law Review and did work with the


NAACP Legal Defense Fund, C.R.L.A.,


and a Criminal Law Reform Bail Project.


Making an important contribution to


our legal efforts this summer are four law


school summer interns. They are John


Oakley (Yale), Ann Hasse (Boalt), Erica


Grubb (Harvard) and Richard Gabrielli


(Yale). We will certainly miss the fine


work they have been doing as they return.


to school this Fall,


Black Panthers Win


San Francisco Municipal Court Judge


John J. Hopkins dismissed complaint on


July 28 against four Black Panther Party


members who were arrested for soliciting


for the free breakfast program, declaring


two criminal codes unconstitutional.


Representing the Panthers was Peter


Sheehan, Staff Attorney for the ACLU-NC


Overturned as an unconstitutional prior


restraint on free speech because it is vague


and without precise standards, is


Municipal Police Code 590, which


requires a permit from the Police Chief to


"*solicit memberships financial


assistance ... or to sell... any article...


on the plea, statement or representation


that such solicitation is for a charitable,


patriotic or philantropic purpose.'' A.


permit is to be issued only if the Chief is


satisfied that:


**Such purpose or object of such


solicitation is worthy and not incompatible


with public interest, and that the applicant


and other persons to be engaged in said


solicitation are of good character and that


the total costs and expenses of such


solicitation are not disproportionate to the


sum proposed to be collected thereby, and


that a permit should be issued there-


fore


Sheehan observes, ``Defendants and the


Chief of Police have deep and undoubtedly


sincere differences over what is a `worthy'


purpose. In fact, it seems quite likely there


would be very substantial differences


among Police Chiefs on such a subjective


standard. Most of the wording of the code


is similarly vague, such as `good


character' or `not incompatible with the


public interest.' This gives the police


dictatorial power over the content of ideas


advanced in public in San Francisco.


Also overturned was Penal Code No.


647(e), which the ACLU contended


violates the Fifth Amendment guarantee


against compulsory _ self-incrimination.


This code section requires citizens to


identify themselves and account for their


presence (at the scene of the questioning)


when required to do so by a peace officer,


under certain circumstances.


Sheehan points out that, ``Uhless police


"suspect a person of being involved in evil,


wrongful or improper conduct, they have


no right. to. question him. Therefore,


making it a crime not to answer places him


in a `Catch 22' situation. If he accounts


for his presence he may be actually giving


evidence which will in some way be used


against him. But if he refuses to answer,


this statute makes him guilty of a crime


anyway."


Defendants in the case were Victor


Grayson, Ronald V. Stallings, Glynn E.


Wheeler and Mack H. Wilson.


The Franklin


San Mateo Superior Court Judge Robert


Miller last week sustained claims by Bruce


and Jane Franklin to protection under the


First and Fifth Amendments from being


compelled to. discuss their political


associations and views as_ reluctant


prosecution witnesses in a trial of cae


alleged political associates.


The Franklins, members of the


organization Venceremos, were sub-


poenaed to testify for the prosecution in a


felony trial in which two defendants


(allegedly also members of Venceremos)


were on trial for knowing possession of an


explosive device, and one of them on the


additional charge of felony assault on an


officer. The explosive device consisted of


wires, switches, an alarm clock and a


buzzer. The charges grew out of a raid


conducted by police on a house on Chester


Street in Menlo Park.


The prosecution sought to establish


through the Franklins that the defendants -


Affair


had specific intent to use the device as a


bomb, on the theory that the Franklins


believe in bombs, the defendants associate


with the Franklins in Venceremos, and


therefore the defendants believe in bombs.


To this end the prosecutor sought to


compel answers to questions such as `` Are


you a member of Venceremos? Are you a


revolutionary? Did you write this book?


Did you write this paragraph?''


The Franklins were represented at the


trial by Legal Director Charles Marson,


who objected to the questions on the


grounds that they impermissibly intruded


into the Franklins' rights to free speech


and association and also, according to the


prosecution's guilt-by-association theory,


called for incriminating testimony. Judge


Miller held that both privileges were


properly claimed with respect to all


questions, and refused to compel answers.


This week the jury ee both


defendants.


aclu NEWS


9 issues a year, monthly except bi-monthly in March - April, July - August,


and November-December


Published by the American Civil Liberties Union of Northern California


Second Class Mail privileges authorized at San Francisco, California


Howard Jewel, Chairman of the Board


William Kane, Editor and Public Information Director


593 Market Street, San Francisco, California 94105-433-2750


Membership $10 and up of which $2.50 is the annual subscription fee for aclu News.


Jay Miller, Executive Director


LEGAL


July - August


3 aclu NEWS


Free Speech Victory


In Fresno


Editor's Note; The following article


discusses the impact on the community


of Fresno of the firing of a planning


commissioner for his public criticism


of the board of supervisors, and his


reinstatement by the court, 0x00B0 as


_ reported in last month's aclu NEWS.


Paul D. Bush


Fresno Chapter Board Member


The principle that freedom of speech is a


cornerstone of democratic government has


seldom been more clearly demonstrated


than it was in a case recently decided in


the Superior Court of Fresno County.


Judge Matt Goldstein, ruling in Moore v.


Board. of Supervisors, found that the


Fresno County Board of Supervisors had


deprived planning commissioner Dr.


Heyward Moore, Jr. of his con-


stitutionally protected right of free speech.


The Board had summarily fired Dr.


Moore from the planning commission


because he had publicly criticized the


Board's record on county planning. The


case has become a cause celebre in the San


Joaquin Valley, and it has generated a


grassroots movement to bring about


reform in county government.


The case arose from a speech given by


Dr. Moore at a planning seminar held at


Fresno State College on August 28, 1971.


Moore is an associate professor of political


science at Fresno State College (now


designated as California State University


at Fresno), who, at the time, had served


almost two years of a three-year term on


the Fresno County Planning Commission.


In the course of his talk to the seminar,


Moore stated that local land developer


John Bonadelle had ``taken a weak and


very imperfect system and almost totally


corrupted it.' Moore also alleged that


Bonadelle had exerted ``undue influence''


on a majority of the Board of Supervisors.


On September 14, 1971, the Board of


Supervisors fired Moore from the planning


commission. They took this action solely


on the basis of the news report of Moore's


speech printed in the August 29, 1971


edition of the Fresno Bee. They made no


formal charges against Moore, nor did


they hold a hearing to determine whether


or not the report of Moore's speech was


accurate, or whether Moore's ability and


fitness to hold his position on the planning


commission were in any way adversely


affected by his exercise of free speech. So


precipitous was the move to fire him, the


matter was brought up unannounced in


the middle of a crowded morning's


agenda.


Without any apparent purpose for doing


so, Board Chairman John Ventura began


reading a curious statement of his reasons


for voting as ``he did'' (in the past tense)


to discharge Dr. Moore. To the em-


barrassment of his colleagues on the Board


and County Counsel Robert Wash, who


had drafted the statement, Ventura had


read his reasons for voting on a matter that


had not yet been placed before the Board.


When the motion was finally made,


Supervisors Wesley Craven, James O.


Cassidy and Joseph Reich voted with


Ventura to remove Moore. Only


Supervisor John Krebs, a Fresno attorney


and himself a former member of the


planning commission, voted against the


motion.


Krebs had long been at odds with his


colleagues on the Board. Two years


earlier, the other four supervisors had


voted not to reappoint Krebs to a second


term on the planning commission. Krebs


had been appointed by the late Supervisor


Dr. Heyward Moore, Jr.


| Jefferson Gene Hahesy. When members of


the Board refused even to second


Hahesy's renomination of Krebs, Hahesy


nominated Moore, and Moore received a


unanimous vote of appointment. Later


that year, Supervisor Hahesy was involved


in an automobile accident and suffered


injuries which left him in a comatose state


for several months, and ultimately proved


fatal. Krebs ran for Hahesy's seat on the


Board in a friendly recall election and won.


Both as a member of the planning com-


mission and as a member of the Board of


Supervisors, John Krebs had repeatedly


- voiced his opposition to the vested in-


terests. which~ sought to influence the


planning processes. He was' particularly


critical of millionaire Bonadelle's in-


fluence on the majority of the Board, and


his expression of this concern at Board


meetings often generated acrimonious


debates between himself and _ other


members of the Board.


Thus the issue of John Bonadelle's


influence on county government was a hot


political issue by the time Dr. Moore gave


his speech to the planning seminar at


Fresno State College. In his premature


statement of reasons for voting on a matter


which had not yet come before the Board,


Chairman Ventura justified his decision to


fire Moore on the grounds that in making


his remarks to the planning seminar,


Moore was ``undermining . .


confidence in this Board.'' Ventura


.charged that Moore's ``false implications,


innuendos, insinuations were highly


improper and unethical and either


malicious or showing such poor judgment


as to justify his removal from the Planning


Commission.'? Other members of the


Board concurred with Ventura and added


to the record their own expressions of


outrage over Moore's public criticisms of


the Board.


The public reaction to the news of


Moore's firing was one of general disbelief


and anger. When Dr. Moore decided, as a


matter of principle, that he would


challenge the Board's decision to fire him,


he received overwhelming financial and


moral support from all segments of the


community. The issues in the Moore case


ignited a broad-based citizens' movement


for reform in county government. It at-


tracted Democrats and Republicans,


middle class whites and the minority poor,


liberals and conservatives. And because of


the central importance of the planning


process to the issues of the case, all of the


county's ecological groups became deeply


involved in the movement. An ad hoc


group of citizens was formed to coordinate


the effort. It was called the Citizens for


Responsible Government.


As its first undertaking, the Committee


. public.


circulated a petition which read: ``We,


the undersigned believe that the removal


of Dr. Heyward Moore from the Fresno


County Planning Commission was an


unwarranted move to silence legitimate


criticism of the Board of Supervisors and


the planning process. We, therefore,


demand the immediate reinstatement of


Dr. Moore to the Commission.'' This


`petition, signed by over 2,000 citizens of


the county, was presented to the Board of


Supervisors on September 28, 1971.


Supervisor Krebs moved to reinstate Dr.


Moore, but his motion failed to receive a


second. The Board also refused Moore's


personal demand that he be reinstated.


This set the stage for Moore's suit.


Dr. Moore retained the San Francisco


firm of Penrod, Himmelstein, Savinar and


Sims, and he asked the ACLU-NC to


enter the suit as an amicus. Fresno at-


torneys Donald H. Glasrud and Lenore


Schreiber volunteered to write and present


the amicus brief for the ACLU.


The brief for a premptory writ of


mandate submitted by attorneys Penrod


and Sims was based upon the following


causes of action: 1) the Board had


violated Dr. Moore's freedom of speech in


firing him for making public criticisms of


the Board; 2) the Board violated Dr.


Moore's constitutional right to due


process when they failed to provide him


with notice of charges and an opportunity


to defend himself against those charges in


a fair hearing; 3) the county ordinance


cited by the Board as its authority for


firing Moore without a hearing is on its


face unconstitutional because it denies due


process of law; and, finally, 4) the Board


violated the Ralph M. Brown act, which


prohibits secret meetings of public bodies,


when two or more members of the


majority of the Board met in private and


clandestine meetings to decide Moore's


fate. oe


In the summary of his seventy-page


decision in the case, Judge Matt Goldstein


made the following observation on Dr.


Moore's testimony: `"The evidence


supports his conclusion that Bonadelle


was a powerful and menacing influence.


He used his influence successfully in the


exploitation of vast areas of virgin lands.


To Moore, and others who shared his


feelings, the name of `Bonadelle' had


become symbolic of an irresistible force,


species of Juggernaut that overwhelmed


its adversaries and successfully quenched


its thirst for unlimited control over vast


and poorly planned subdivisions in foothill


areas."


Other witnesses corroborated Moore's


detailed analysis of the corruption of the


planning process and expanded upon


Moore's charges that land-developer


Bonadelle had an undue influence on the


Board. Testimony was also given to effect


that Bonadelle had accomplished the


intimidation of officials in county


government who were responsible for


reviewing various aspects of his proposed


land developments.


One of these individuals, County


Health Director William DeFries, was


quoted by one witness as saying that he


believed that his job was in jeopardy unless


he compromised the County Health


Department's opposition to Bonadelle's


Wonder Valley mountain subdivision.


While DeRries denied he had ever ex-


~ pressed such fears, he admitted under oath


that he had destroyed numerous depart-


mental memoranda on Bonadelle sub-


divisions which other members of his staff


described as being highly critical of the


environmental health effects of


Bonadelle's mountain subdivisions.


During their testimony the majority of


the Board of Supervisors defended their


firing of Dr. Moore on the grounds that:


1) the county ordinances gave them the


authority to make such dismissals without


benefit of a hearing; 2) that Moore's


remarks were slanderous and thus tended


to undermine public confidence in the


Board; 3) that Moore's attendance


record had long been a matter of concern


to the Board; 4) that Moore had an-


`"`extremist'' voting record - that is, he


cast a rather high number of ``no'' votes


in planning commission meetings - and,


finally, 5) that Moore no longer enjoyed


the confidence of the Board and,


therefore, would not be able adequately to


perform his duties on the commission.


While testifying to his reasons for voting


against Moore, Supervisor Wesley Craven


gave the additional reason that Moore was


`*connected with the liberal left at Fresno


State College'' and that he and Moore had


pholosophies of government that are


`*entirely opposed to each other.''


In spite of their claims that they had


reasons for firing Moore other than their


disapproval of his public remarks about


them, the Board failed to persuade the


Court that it was not in fact Moore's


public criticism of the Board which led


directly to his dismissal. Thus the issue


that had to be joined was whether Dr.


Moore's public remarks were protected or


whether the Board had the right to protect


governmental efficiency by removing


Moore.


The controlling case was Pickering v.


Board of Education. n that case the U. S.


Supreme Court held that a public em-


ployee has the right to criticize publicly


his ultimate employer as long as that


criticism cannot be shown to be


detrimental to governmental efficiency


and, following the New York Times case.


test for malice, that such statements


cannot be proven to be false statements


knowingly or recklessly made.


In the brief they filed for the ACLU,


volunteer attorneys Glasrud and Schreiber


argued that Moore's public utterances


met the standards of protection set forth in


Pickering. Accordingly, they wrote: ``A


democracy such as ours can only function


properly if its citizenry is as fully and


accurately informed as possible on matters


of public concern such as the viability of


the planning process and the integrity and


responsiveness to the public interest of


those officials through which it functions.


Therefore, if petitioner's statements were


true, it cannot be doubted that the


balancing scale of Pickering must tip


against any interest in reducing impaired


efficiency, and in favor of the extremely:


important public interest in the right to


know, not to mention the petitioner's


personal right to uninhibited freedom of


speech."'


Glasrud and Schreiber go on from this


point to argue that the Pickering decision


does not require that the statements in


. question be true, but only that they were


not knowingly false and that they are not


made with a reckless disregard of the.


truth.


Summarizing the ultimate significance


of the Moore case, Glasrud and Schreiber


make the following observation: ``Dr.


Moore has been punished after the fact for


the exercise of his right of free speech.


This is important enough. But perhaps


more important is the resulting im-


pairment of the public interest in the right


to know. Our democratic process requires


a freely and fully informed electorate. It is


essential that the public receive in-


formation upon the functioning of our


systems of government and those persons


placed into positions of responsibility by


the electorate.


**Fear of dismissal obviously did not |


deter Dr. Moore in his exercise of First


Amendment rights. But, what is most


important, his dismissal certainly had a


chilling effect upon the exercise of First


Amendment. rights by other public


employees and officials. Such persons


often have the best vantage point from


which to accurately and critically observe


the functioning of government. The


retaliatory firing of Dr. Moore


necessarily has had a chilling effect upon


Continued on next page


LEG AL


July - August


aclu NEWS


Another Fresno Firing | Student Project Ends


For Speech


On the heels of the court victory for


Fresno planning commissioner Heyward


Moore (see opposite page), another Fresno


public servant, fired for criticizing his


superiors, was restored to his job.


Fresno Narcotics Bureau chemist Joe.


Power Jr. was fired last September for


sending a letter a year earlier to Governor


Reagan in which he alleged that Bureau of


Narcotics Enforcement Area Supervisor


~ Robert P. Mannen was involved in


drinking and gambling in state offices,


drunk driving, falsification of reports,


illegal wiretapping and blackmail of


Mannen's boss Justice Deputy Director


Orville J. Hawkins, a high official in the


California Department of Justice.


ACLU-NC provided an amicus brief,


written by General Counsel Paul


Halvonik, with volunteer attorney Don


_,Glasrud attending the hearings.


The language of the Hearing Officer's


decision is important, because although he


tuled that Power was spreading false


rumors that a reasonable man would not


have believed to be true, ``there are


constitutional protections which


protect an employee in making his:


Suspicions known to appropriate


superiors, in the absence of malice or total


disregard of the truth.' _


Hearing Officer Bicknell J. Showers


states that he feels Power ``uncritically


accepted information from persons seeking


to impose upon him and permitted himself


Reversed


to become their dupe.'' His opinion is that


Power relied on a fellow agent for facts and


interpretation of events that ``at best


strained reasoning and sometimes bor-


dered on the bizarre.''


Regarding the charges against Mannen,


the decision states that some were shown |


to be untrue and others have no factual


support in the record, but that some do.


Specifically mentioned as untrue was the


blackmail charge, although Showers states


that Mannen did tape record a phone


conversation between himself and


Hawkins, without Hawkins' knowledge,


and he did make ``comments to the effect


that you have to protect yourself by having


something on everybody and that if he was


fired he would take a lot of people with


hina.


But Showers finds a conclusion of


blackmail on the evidence to be a ``chain


of reasoning'' that is ``tenuous at best.''


But Showers concludes that `` While the


proper functioning of the State cannot


condone the making of malicious and


unfounded statements about its officials, it


cannot safely establish a test of wisdom


and accuracy in regard to employees who


in good faith call even imagined


discrepancies to the attention of high


authority. Such a test may be difficult to


administer because honesty and sincerity


are difficult qualities to measure. Such a


policy may also be occasionally bur-


-densome to officials. But the alternative of


causing the employee to be not only


honest and sincere, but also to be right,


will effectively close the channels of


communication.'


Moore continued


Continued


the potential exercise of constitutional


rights by other officials and employees.''


""Not only do these `self-censored'


employees suffer a deprivation, but the,


electorate as well suffers the loss of well-


informed opinion and the information on


matters of public concern.'' -


The telling points in this ACLU brief


were not lost on the Committee for


Responsible Government. Shortly after


Judge Goldstein took the case under


submission, the Committee for


Responsible Government set out to find


men of integrity and ability to run against


those members of the majority of the


Board of Supervisors who were up for


reelection. The Committee also pledged


itself to campaign for the reelection of


Supervisor Krebs. During the spring


primary campaign, the Moore case figured


prominently in the supervisorial races.


Judge Goldstein's decision was filed on


May 3, 1972, shortly before the elections.


Finding that Dr. Moore's First Amend-


ment rights had been violated, he chose


not to rule on the other issues raised in the


case. In his decision, Judge Goldstein


wrote: ""If those public employees, who


courageously and in good faith, call to the


attention of the public what they honestly


and sincerely believe to be evil, unsound


and detrimental management of public


business by elected officials must pay the


heavy penalty of loss of employment as the


price of the candor, then the voices of


_ those best qualified to speak will be stilled


and silenced.''


**Public officials are not sacrosanct.


Lese Majesty is incompatible with


democracy. Practically every significant


improvement and change of direction in


government has resulted from harsh and


often obnoxious and offensive criticism.


Supine acquiescence by public employees


in mismanagement or improprieties leads


only to the perpetuation of evil.''


Supervisor John Krebs was reelected to


the Board in the primary election by


receiving well over fifty per cent of the


votes cast. His landslide victory after a


toughly fought campaign is viewed by


thoughtful observers as being a good index


of the voters' approval of Krebs' support


for Dr. Moore and the high principles


which both men seek to instill in county


government. The two supervisors who


voted to fire Moore and who were up for


reelection were dealt significant setbacks


at the polls.


Supervisor Reich was overwhelmingly


defeated in his bid for reelection. The


Committee for Responsible Government's


candidate, Armando Rodriquez, a Fresno


attorney and state-wide president of


MAPA, led the field of challengers and is


favored to win the run-off election for


Reich's seat on the Board.


Supervisor Wesley Craven was forced


into a run-off election in his district by Dr.


John Donaldson, a professor of physics at


California State University at Fresno.*


Donaldson also enjoyed the backing of the


_ Committee for Responsible Government.


Supervisors Ventura and Cassidy were


not up for reelection this year, but several


prominent community leaders in Ven-


tura's district are giving serious con-


sideration to mounting a recall election.


As this article is written, the Board of


Supervisors are still contemplating


whether or not to file an appeal against


Judge Goldstein's decision. In the event


that they do file an appeal, the ACLU of


Northern California will carry the case for


Dr. Moore. Whatever the future


disposition of the case, the citizens of


Fresno County have learned one of the


most important lessons of democratic


governance: the right of free speech can


be impaired only at the risk of tosing our


precious heritage of popular sovereignty.


Although we are still looking for new


funding sources for the Student Project, at


this time it seems likely to become a one-


year pilot project ending this Fall, rather


than a continuing activity.


Project Director Eva Jefferson will be -


leaving this month as planned, in any


event, to attend Boalt Hall Law School.


She is presently writing a manual on the


project so ACLU affiliates in other areas


can duplicate the project, and is planning


the project's last event - a seminar on


High School Bills of Rights, scheduled for


September 9 from 10 a.m. to 3 p.m. at


Alternative Futures Center, 2012 Pine


Street, San Francisco.


The purpose of the seminar is to re-


energize students who are interested in


getting a bill of rights adopted by their


school district.


Eva Jefferson


All students invited are familiar with


the concept of a student bill of rights.


Some have formed committees that are


drafting rights documents. Others just


know of the idea and need more in-


formation on how to translate the concept


of a student bill of rights and respon-


sibilities into a political reality in their


respective school districts.


The conference will also give both


groups stimulation and encouragement to


sustain them during the coming year's


struggle.


The seminar will have the following


resource people:


a) Suzanne Martinez, an attorney


who works out of the offices of the


Youth Law Center, a San Francisco


Based organization. Ms. Martinez is


very knowledgeable in the area of


student rights.


b) Celso Santiago, Nick Plaisberg,


and Valerie Edwards, three San


Francisco students connected with


San Francisco's City-Wide Youth


Council. The City-Wide Youth


Council is the group responsible for


the organizing effort that resulted in


the adoption of a manual of student


rights and responsibilities for the


entire San Francisco Unified School


District. These students are now in


the process of organizing a state-wide


Student Union whose function would -


be working for the interests of


California students. c) Booker Neal of the San Francisco


Human Rights Commission who


played a major role in the negotiations


that led to the adoption of the manual


on student rights and responsibilities.


Negotiations with teachers and ad-


ministrators proved crucial to the


organizing process because teacher


and administrative opposition had to


be neutralized before the S.F. school


board approved the manual. The


experiences, advice, and insights that


will be shared by the resource people


should prove invaluable to the


students who attend the seminar.


d) Pelton Stewart, who worked onthe


S.F. Manual on student rights and


responsibilities for three years while


he was a student at Balboa High. He is


;Mow:a.college stud@nti/:: 05 (.0ios:


Time will be allotted for the students to


interact with each other. In past seminars,


this time has often proven to be most


interesting, stimulating, and valuable to


the students. The exchange of ideas,


techniques, experiences, etc., can be very


productive. Students will discover what


has proven effective in other schools and


can try to apply it to their own school


systems.


Victimless Crimes $


Good news .. . a promise of a $15,000


grant for our victimless crimes project by


the Van Loben Sels Foundation, which


will become actual money when we locate


a source for an additonal $15,000 for one


year's operation and find a suitable


director.


The grant resulted from a May meeting


between Sec. Treas. Richard De Lancie


and Jay Miller with the Foundation.


Grand Jury Projection


General Counsel Paul Halvonik is


heading for national ACLU the newly


created Grand Jury Project.


The basic purpose of this project is to


protect the rights of persons called to


testify before grand juries. Over the past


few years, grand juries have been in-


creasingly used as an extension of the FBI


and other police agencies and for political


intelligence gathering. The Project will


organize a coordinated litigation attack on


the oppresive operation of grand juries.


The project will concentrate on such


issues as:


e Racial, sexual, occupational and age


discrimination in grand jury selection;


@ Subpoenas based on illegally obtained


evidence, e.g. unauthorized wiretapping;


e Extension of right to counsel to


include the right of witnesses to be ac-


companied by an attorney while in the


grand jury room;


e Resistance to grants of immunity;


extension and protection of rights against


compulsory testimony under the Fifth


Amendment, the right of free association


under the First Amendment, marital,


attorney-client, doctor-patient and other


privileges, as well as the general right of


privacy.


e Expansion of the right to discovery,


especially by criminal defendants, of grand


jury minutes.


The project will assist the affiliates


throughout the US, in cases involving


these issues and others which will arise. It'


will also seek the assistance of the affiliates


in organizing affirmative lawsuits directed


towards those issues. The Project will


produce and distribute monographs for


lawyers setting out the legal status and


powers of the grand jury, and model


pleadings and briefs.


There is currently available from


ACLU-NC for 30 cents a 21-page


pamphlet entitled Your Rights Before the


Grand Jury. The pamphlet is written for


laymen but is also footnoted for use by


lawyers.


COMMENT


First in Jeopardy


By Alan M. Dershowitz


Harvard Law Professor


The American dollar is not the only bill


that has been shrinking in value over the


past few years. The American Bill of


Rights, our most precious national


resource, is also in the process of being


significantly devalued. The civil liberties


of all Americans - the right to be free


from unwarranted Government intrusion,


to speak critically of those in power, to be


treated fairly and with due process - have


been seriously curtailed over the past few


years. As the chief counsel to the Senate


subcommittee on constitutional rights


recently put it: ``The only part of the Bill


of Rights that the Administration hasn't


either rewritten or violated is the only one


it should have - the `right to bear


acs.


The First Amendment's ``right of the


people peaceably to assemble and to


petition'' was emasculated last year when


the Government indiscriminately rounded


up more than 10,000 war protestors,


most of whom - as the courts later held


- were engaging in entirely legal


behavior. Freedom of speech and press has


also been endangered by the Vice


President's thinly veiled threats against


the broadcast media.


The Administration has also taken aim


at the Fourth Amendment's protection


against `"`unreasonable searches and


seizures.' It has audaciously claimed to be


exempt from the requirement that a court-


approved warrant be obtained before it


may tap or bug conversations involving


the national security; and it has defined


""national security'' in the most expansive


possible way to include American citizens


engaged in what the Administration


regards as radical activities. In 1969 and-


1970 alone, more than 40,000 days of


tapping and bugging were conducted


without court approval. Fortunately, a


unanimous Supreme Court has rebuffed


the Administration on this practice.


The Fifth and Sixth Amendments have


fared no better. The privilege against self-


incrimination and the right to counsel -


the bulwarks of our adversary system of


justice - may well become dead-letter if


the Administration succeeds in its express


goal of abrogating the constitutional rule


under which illegally obtained evidence is


excluded from trial; the ``exclusionary''


-ghetoric of


rule is the only presently effective


protection against unlawful police


behavior.


The Eighth Amendment's right to


reasonable bail has also been undercut by


the Administration's preventive detention


law, which authorizes the imprisonment:


of suspects, not because of what they have


done but because of what it is predicted


they might do at some future time.


Though the statute has been used only


twenty times in its ten-month history (and


is thus, obviously, not a critical weapon in


the law-enforcement arsenal), the im-


plications of preventive imprisonment


based on future predictions are frightening


to contemplate.


Despite these setbacks to liberty in


recent years, it would be wrong to con-


clude - as many radicals have asserted -


that we have become a repressive society,


or even that we are on the road to


becoming one. We are still among the


freest and least repressive societies in the


history of the world. It would also be


wrong to assume - as some politicians


have argued - that attempts to erode the


Bill of Rights are unique to the Nixon


Administration. All administrations seek


to expand the power of Government at the


expense of constitutional safeguards.


But it is widely felt by lawyers and civil


libertarians that the Bill of Rights is in


greater danger today than it has been in


recent decades. This administration has


consciously set out to weaken the powers


of the other branches of Government. It


has demeaned the Supreme Court by


considering for appointment some lawyers


whose only apparent qualifications have


_ been a thorough distaste for the provisions


of the Bill of Rights. It has encouraged the


repression. Finally, and


perhaps more important, there seems to


be a mood of repression, of intolerance, in


the air.


The American people seem to have lost


some of the vigilance that we have


traditionally exercised in defending our


sacred rights. We owe it to ourselves and


to our children to see that our noble


experiment with liberty - our Bill of


Rights - is kept strong as we enter into


our third century of nationhood.


c 1972 by The New York Times.


Reprinted by permission.


Do Women Face


Credit Discrimination?


By Rikki Grubb


ACLU-NC Summer Intern


The answer heard at May hearings


before the National Commission on


Consumer Finance is a resounding YES!


No matter what her stage of life a female


can expect credit discrimination at the


hands of almost any lender she encounters


- banks, credit-card companies, finance


companies, retail stores, and even the


Federal Government.


Single women with ample incomes are


denied mortgages and bank loans because


"`they might get married.'' Evidently,


creditors believe that once a woman


marries, her entire sense of responsibility


is thrown to the winds.


Married women encounter even


greater problems. Retail stores, even those


which cater especially to women, will


issue credit cards only in the husband's


name. Banks either discount the working


wife's income by fifty percent, or don't


count it at all in evaluating the loan ap- .


plications submitted by working couples.


Of course, sex discrimination by purely


private organizations is beyond the reach


of the Bill of Rights protection, but


enough sex discrimination goes on by


government and its regulated industries to


keep the ACLU quite busy. For example,


the Veterans' Administration requires all


women of childbearing age (twenty


through about thirty- eight) to obtain a


doctor's certificate that they cannot bear


children, or to sign an affidavit stating that


they are practicing birth control under the


supervision of a doctor, before the V.A.


will take their income into consideration _


in mortgage applications.


Widows, divorcees, and separated


women ate perhaps in the worst position


because credit records are never


established in their own names during the


marriage. Thus, it is the husband who


retains fine credit when a couple is


divorced, and the woman is forced to start


establishing credit-responsibility from


`scratch. This is virtually impossible


because merchants and banks assume that


women who cannot make a go of their


marriages will inevitably abdicate their


financial responsibilities.


This situation affects widows in a most


bizarre fashion. One case involved a


woman whose husband died six years ago.


Continued on Page 8


July - August.


aclu NEWS


Left to Right: Howard Jewel - ACLU-NC Chairman; Masao Satow - National


Director JACL; Edison Uno - Co-chairman JACL Committee to Repeal


Detention Camp Legislation; Jay Miller - ACLU-NC Executive Director.


Award Acceptance


Speech


Following are acceptance remarks of


Edison -Uno, Co-Chairman of the


National Committee To Repeal. The


Emergency Detention Act, made at the


June 4 presentation of the first Alexander


Meiklejohn Civil Liberties Award to the


Japanese American Citizens League.


`*This is indeed an auspicious occasion


and an honor for me to accept the first


annual Alexander Meiklejohn Civil


Liberties Award on behalf of the Japanese


- American Citizens League. ~


``For those of you who may not recall


the memories of the past 30 years when


110,000 Japanese, two-thirds of them


were American citizens, were subject to


the grossest injustices and deprivations of


civil rights, it was the ACLU who had the


courage to publicly oppose our wartime


treatment.


""It was the ACLU who protested the


internment of 913 aliens and citizens from


Hawaii in the Spring of 1942 and was


successful in having them returned from


Camp McCoy to their island homes.


`*It was the ACLU who posted the bail


and provided legal counsel to Fred


Korematsu when he protested the


Evacuation.


""It was the ACLU who obtained the


release of 375 evacuees from the stockades


in Tule Lake Relocation Camp in the


Spring of 1944.


"It was the ACLU who actively


supported the return of evacuees to their


West Coast homes in 1945. :


""It was the ACLU who filed for the


reinstatement of 4,322 U.S. citizens who


renounced their citizenship under


government duress.


**And it was the ACLU who supported


and provided legal advice in the


Evacuation claims cases in the 1950s.


"T could go on and on as to the history


of what your organization has done for all


persons of Japanese descent. Our struggle


has been your struggle and we are eter-


nally grateful to your membership.


""We are also very appreciative for this


special recognition for the successful


campaign to repeal Title II of the Internal


Security Act of 1950, the statutory


provisions which would have revived


detention camps in America. On Sep-


tember 25, 1971 the President signed the


repeal bill which the JACL initiated four


years ago. We were told at that time by


experienced Congressional authorities that


the repeal of Title II ``could not be done''


especially since the sentiments of this


administration and Congress were


unlikely to repeal any type of repressive


legislation in view of the agitation of


student activists, political dissentients,


and anti-war protesters.'


`The repeal of detention camp legisla-


tion was the inspiration of one individual.


The determination and dedication of this


one person was the key to the successful


legislative process. The fact that one


person, with one objective, worked with


unceasing energy and vigor made the


repeal campaign a classic example that


participatory democracy can work. I regret


that I cannot personally pay tribute to the


one individual who deserves the credit for


making this all possible and who changed


history by his courage. Our country, our


society, and all people are greatly in-


debted to this one individual, the co-


chairman of the JACL repeal committee,


- Ray Okamura of Berkeley. He is not with


us tonight because he dislikes recognition.


`"`T cannot accept this award without


also giving credit to the many committee


members who gave so generously of their


time and effort, they were the backbone of


the campaign effort. Without their support


we would have failed. We wish to


acknowledge the co-authors of the repeal


bills, Senator Daniel Inouye and


Congressman Spark Matsunaga and to


thank the ACLU and hundreds of other


organizations and individuals who were


effective in their support, both locally and


nationally.


"*In conclusion, I would like to remind


all of us that the repeal of Title II was


merely a symbolic victory. For we know


too well that there was no Title II in 1942


when by Executive Order 9066 we were


incarcerated in American concentration


camps.


*"We may have eliminated the statutory


provisions for detention camps, but we


must always remember it takes eternal


vigilance to improve Democracy and we


must struggle to eliminate the camps of


poverty, ignorance, unemployment, sub-


standard housing, poor health care, and


the psychological concentration camps of


fear, hate, racism, and oppression.


`In the living spirit of the great


Alexander Meiklejohn who left us a legacy


of civil liberties and human dignity, the


Japanese American Citizens League


accepts this honor as an inspiration to


continue the fight for freedom, equality,


and justice. Thank you."'


POLICY


July - August


(R) aclu NEWS


Biennial Conference Passes


8 Policy -Binding Resolutions


At the June conference in Colorado,


eight Policy-Binding Resolutions were


passed which will now go to the National


Board for ratification.


ACLUN_1946 ACLUN_1946.MODS ACLUN_1947 ACLUN_1947.MODS ACLUN_1948 ACLUN_1948.MODS ACLUN_1949 ACLUN_1949.MODS ACLUN_1950 ACLUN_1950.MODS ACLUN_1951 ACLUN_1951.MODS ACLUN_1952 ACLUN_1952.MODS ACLUN_1953 ACLUN_1953.MODS ACLUN_1954 ACLUN_1954.MODS ACLUN_1955 ACLUN_1955.MODS ACLUN_1956 ACLUN_1956.MODS ACLUN_1957 ACLUN_1957.MODS ACLUN_1958 ACLUN_1958.MODS ACLUN_1959 ACLUN_1959.MODS ACLUN_1960 ACLUN_1960.MODS ACLUN_1961 ACLUN_1961.MODS ACLUN_1962 ACLUN_1962.MODS ACLUN_1963 ACLUN_1963.MODS ACLUN_1964 ACLUN_1964.MODS ACLUN_1965 ACLUN_1965.MODS ACLUN_1966 ACLUN_1966.MODS ACLUN_1967 ACLUN_1967.MODS ACLUN_1968 ACLUN_1968.MODS ACLUN_1968.batch ACLUN_1969 ACLUN_1969.MODS ACLUN_1969.batch ACLUN_1970 ACLUN_1970.MODS ACLUN_1970.batch ACLUN_1971 ACLUN_1971.MODS ACLUN_1971.batch ACLUN_1972 ACLUN_1972.MODS ACLUN_1972.batch ACLUN_1973 ACLUN_1973.MODS ACLUN_1974 ACLUN_1974.MODS ACLUN_1975 ACLUN_1975.MODS ACLUN_1976 ACLUN_1976.MODS ACLUN_1977 ACLUN_1977.MODS ACLUN_1978 ACLUN_1978.MODS ACLUN_1979 ACLUN_1979.MODS ACLUN_1980 ACLUN_1980.MODS ACLUN_1981 ACLUN_1981.MODS ACLUN_1982 ACLUN_1982.MODS ACLUN_1983 ACLUN_1983.MODS ACLUN_1983.batch ACLUN_1984 ACLUN_1984.MODS ACLUN_1985 ACLUN_1985.MODS ACLUN_1986 ACLUN_1986.MODS ACLUN_1987 ACLUN_1987.MODS ACLUN_1988 ACLUN_1988.MODS ACLUN_1989 ACLUN_1989.MODS ACLUN_1990 ACLUN_1990.MODS ACLUN_1991 ACLUN_1991.MODS ACLUN_1992 ACLUN_1992.MODS ACLUN_1993 ACLUN_1993.MODS ACLUN_1994 ACLUN_1994.MODS ACLUN_1995 ACLUN_1995.MODS ACLUN_1996 ACLUN_1996.MODS ACLUN_1997 ACLUN_1997.MODS ACLUN_1998 ACLUN_1998.MODS ACLUN_1999 ACLUN_1999.MODS ACLUN_ladd ACLUN_ladd.MODS ACLUN_ladd.bags ACLUN_ladd.batch add-tei.sh create-bags.sh create-manuscript-bags.sh create-manuscript-batch.sh fits.log Unless the actual vote is reported, the


resolutions adopted or defeated were of a


sufficiently large margin not to require a


tally count.


Exclusionary Zoning


`*Zoning and other land use controls


may not be applied in a fashion which


substantially conflicts with the op-


portunity of low and moderate income


persons to secure minimally adequate


housing in an economically and racially


integrated environment.


``Exclusionary zoning and land use


practices by government have become a


major source of segregation, both racial


and economic, in residential areas of the


United States. The pattern of legally


enforced segregation which has come to


characterize our use of land conflicts


radically with the goal of equal op-


portunity in employment as increasing


numbers of business enterprises move to


areas where there is no low and moderate


income housing; so too it conflicts with


equal opportunity in education where


whole cities are fast becoming either all


black or white; so too, it conflicts with the


goal of decent and integrated housing for


all Americans, when segments of our


population are confined to the crowded


and substandard housing of our ghettoes.


"Local governments are creatures of


and delegates of the states. The state is


constitutionally obliged to assure its


citizens of equal treatment - at the hands


of the state and of its delegates. The


delegation of local autonomy over matters


of zoning and land use must be ac-


companied by legal assurances that the


authority so delegated will not be em-


ployed so as to defeat the needs of the


whole classes of the state's citizens.


`Tt is the policy of the ACLU that the


state and its delegated agents may not


establish a regime of restraints or policies


which prevents the allocation of


residential land to low and moderate


income housing or which in any way


discriminates against low or moderate


income people.


``Utilizing federal, state, and local


governmental powers-such as land-use


permits, grants, tax incentives, and traffic


planning, government has the respon-


sibility of positive action to encourage the


development of racially and economically


integrated communities. Adopted by a


vote of 124-5 (the statement represents a


synthesis of the proposal by Larry Sager


and the New York Civil Liberties Union


statement, incorporating suggestions from


various workshops, and amended from the


floor)."'


Women's Rights


""Be it resolved that, in order to im-


plement the present ACLU policy (316A)


on the rights of women, a Status of


Women Steering Committee be selected in


a manner to be determined by the


National Board.''


Rights of the Poor


"*The American Civil Liberties Union


holds that the United States Constitution


and proper Government policy require


government at every level to assure every


person in the United States an adequate '


standard of living. Adopted, by a vote of


110-50


Development Staffing


`*Fight years ago, in this same setting,


ACLU set a new direction - the ACLU


version of the `power to the people.'


_**`Rather than now taking a step back-


ward, we do now hereby reaffirm that


`great leap forward' and move that the


first priority of this Biennial is to expand


the national development staff to assist


affiliates in fund-raising both on the hard


money and soft money sides.


`*The function of these people is to aid


and advise affiliates in the skills and


techniques needed to develope resources


for the civil liberties struggle locally as


well as nationally.


"*The thrust of this motion is to in-


crease the financial pie available to af-


filiates as well as national ACLU, so that


the substantial work of the Union may


move forward vigorously - unhampered


by insufficient financial undergirding.''


Dues Structure


The following revision of the dues


structure was adopted:


1972 1973


Member $1000 $1000


Sponsoring Member 100 100


Co-operating Member 50 _ eliminate


Sustaining Member 35 500x00B0


Supporting Member 25 __ eliminate,


Joint Member 15 2


Basic Member 10 15


(The lowest category, now designed


Student/Limited Income at $5, was


referred to the Steering Committee for


recommendation to the Board regarding


the renaming of the category and changing


the amount.)


In considering this issue, the Con-


ference adopted by a 101-59 vote a


proposal that the Student category be


eliminated. It also approved a motion that


``the Biennial Conference supports the


principle of a broadened membership base,


and directs the staff to study the impact of


financial resources to broaden the base.''


Crisis Area Fund


`*That Crisis Area Fund contributions


be made mandatory upon every affiliate;


that contributions are to be 5 percent of


the affiliate share of `shared and affiliate


new income'.''


Powers of the Biennial Conference


In a preferential vote, the Conference


recommended that the purpose of the


Biennial Conference, with certain


structural changes, be retained. This


proposal received 107 votes. A -second


At a meeting of the California caucus


at the Biennial, Marvin Schacter, the'


President of ACLU of Southern


California presides, while ACLU-NC


delegates Eva Jefferson, Jay Miller and


Howard Jewel listen.


ACLU-NC delegates Carol Burke and


Henry Ramsey (on left) participate in


small group discussions.


ACLU delegates at biennial are Paul


Halvonik, Harriet Katz (southern


California), Stan Stevens and Richard


DeLancie.


proposal, to strip the Conference of its


policy making powers and to substitute an


affiliate initiative-referendum procedure,


received 30 votes. A third proposal, to


turn the Conference into a convention


with binding policy making powers,


received 22 votes.


The following resolutions concerning


structural changes and requiring con-


stitutional amendment were approved: '


1) Insert the words ``The substance


of'? before the words ``Any recom-


mendation'' at the beginning of Section


10(C).


b) `*That the Constitution of the Union


be amended to provide that if the rejection '


by the Board of Directors of a Biennial


Conference recommendation is over-


ridden in a referendum held thereon by a


majority vote (instead of the two-thirds


vote now provided for in the Constitution


(Sec. 10(C) ) then the Board shall adopt


the Conference recommendation. Ap-


proved by a 99-49 vote.


c) **That the Constitution of the Union


be amended to provide that the policy-


influencing recommendation of a Biennial


Conference become binding unless


rejected by the Board of Directors within


12 months after the adjournment of the


Biennial Conference (instead of the 18


month period after adjournment now


provided for in the Constitution (Sec.


10(C) ). Approved by a 85-59 vote.


d) ``That the Constitution Committee


be directed to formulate and present to the


Board a Constitutional amendment to


provide for a system of initiative and


referendum on policy by affiliate boards.''


Weighted Voting


The Conference approved two proposed


Constitutional amendments regarding


. weighted voting in the election of National


at-large Board members. The amend-


ments would change Section 7(c) (1) (ii) as


follows:


(The electors shall be the following'


persons, voting by mail:)


"*(a) The members of the boards of the


affiliates voting individually at a meeting


specially called for that purpose and each


casting a number of votes equal to the


number of members in his or her affiliate


divided by the number of affiliate board


members voting.'' Approved by a vote of


70-65, it was understood that there must '


be a quorum of affiliate board members


present at the specially-called meeting.


`*(b) The members of the national


Board of Directors voting individually and


each casting as many votes as one-third of


the membership of the Union divided by


the actual membership of the national


Board of Directors. . .'? Approved by a


vote of 100-41.


LEGISLATIVE


Contact Your


Congressman Now


Two issues of great importance to Civil


Liberties may be voted on before the break


for the Republican convention -


estimated at August 18.


Please let your representative know how


you feel by telephone or wire on school


busing and the Subversive Activities


Control Board.


Following is an analysis of these issues


by our Washington Legislative Office.


School Busing


`It is quite clear now that President


Nixon plans to re-kindle emotions over


the school busing issue. He will use it as


his top domestic ploy, creating a phony


issue in much the same way as he created


straw men of Ramsey Clark and the courts


for his ``law n' order'' smears in 1968.


Public respect for the courts will again


be weakened by the upcoming Nixon


strategy, and the courts themselves will


indeed face a very real threat, through


legislation aiming to hamstring the


courts' ability to remedy violations of the


constitution.


The sad irony in all this is that anti-


busing mail to Congress had decreased


drastically, even during the weeks before


the vote on the Higher Education Act,


with its strong (but undoubtedly un-


constitutional) anti-busing, anti-transfer


amendment.


The Nixon strategy should work


something like this: first, an attempt to


get Congress to pass his Busing ~


Moratorium bill. Failing this, an effort to


win passage of his so-called Equal


Educational Opportunities: bill.


Failing this, Nixon will issue a thun-


dering blast at Congress for failing to stop


the courts from busing little children all


over the map, and will call for passage of


nothing less than, the proposed con-


stitutional amendment (H.J. Res. 620)


which would eliminate a// devices for


school desegregation.


Most of these developments will focus


on the House. The discharge petition for


the constitutional amendment, e.g., now


has 158 of the 217 signatures needed to


force H.J. Res. 620 out of committee to


the floor for a vote.


But in the Senate, Sen. Griffin (Mich.),


does have plans of his own: he will


reintroduce his own anti-busing measure


as an amendment to some upcoming piece


of legislation.


Action: We need your help promptly, |


especially if you are from the states of


Indiana, Missouri, Mass., California,


Florida, Hawaii, `Up eee, New York,


Texas or Illinois.


This is because we have a rare op-


portunity for some concentrated lobbying


on a handful of Congressmen who can


have a major impact on Round One of the


Nixon plan. The plan is for Rep. William


Colmer of Mississippi to insist, in early


August, that the House Judiciary


Committee either report Nixon's Busing


Moratorium bill to the floor, or Colmer's


Rules Committee will preempt the bill and


itself vote it out for floor action.


The Rules Committee has 15 members.


Democrats, besides Colmer, include


Madden (Ind.), Delaney (N.Y.), Bolling


(Mo.), O'Neill (Mass.), Sisk (Calif.),


Young (Texas), Pepper (Fla.), Matsunaga


(Hawaii) and Anderson (Tenn.).


Republicans on the Rules Committee


include Smith (Calif.), Anderson (IIl.),


Martin (Neb.), Quillen (Tenn.) and Latta


(Ohio).


The members we should concentrate on


in urging a ``no'' vote in the Rules


Committee - thus keeping jurisdiction of


the bill with the Judiciary Committee -


are Madden, Delaney, Bolling, O'Neill,


Sisk, Young, Pepper, Matsunaga, and


both Andersons.


Although you can undoubtedly provide


good reasons of your own in urging a


"*no'' vote of these members, here are a


few others:


@ The Judiciary Committee has held


hundreds of hours of hearing on the bill,


and is thus the only committee truly


qualified to evaluate it.


@ For the Democrats: their Party


Convention, which is being hailed as one


of the most thoughtful, responsible and


serious political conventions ever held in


this country, included a platform plank


endorsing busing as one means of school


desegregation. It would certainly behoove


Democratic Congressmen to consistently


back their platform. Moreover, there has


been very little reaction generated by the


plank, which is evidence that the issue Nas


been exaggerated.


e@ This vote represents an important


opportunity to defuse the busing issue. It


was defusing itself, anyway, until Nixon


strategists began their drive to revive it.


This should be evidence to Congressmen


that (a) busing i is a phony issue, (b) it is


mot an issue on which elections will be


lost, (c) it is time to act responsibly, and


this is a place where the anti-busing


controversy can begin the road to a quiet


death.


Because this vote can be such an im-


portant psychological victory if we win it


(at the moment the odds are against us,


but your work can turn this around), I ask


that each of you make a special effort to see


that the following Congressmen receive


letters:


Madden, Delaney, Bolling, O'Neill,


Sisk, Young, Pepper, Matsunaga and


both Andersons.


As you can see, we must win eight (8)


votes. Heavy pressure on the 10


possibilities above may bring about a


milestone.


Good luck, and please get the mail


going quickly. It would be best if your and


writers write as citizens, not as members


of the AGQLU or other civil liberties-civil


rights oriented groups.


Subversive Activities Control Board


We have won a crucial round in our


fight to deprive the Subversive Activities


Control Board of its funds. On June 15,


the Senate cast a very strong vote - 42 to


25 -- to delete from the fiscal 1973 ap-


propriations bill all funds proposed for the


SACB. Our victory is not yet safe and we


have two more very important hurdles to


overcome.


You will recall that we lost in the House


which in May voted 206-106 to give the


SACB $450,000. (Even that was a partial


defeat as the Administration had


requested $706,000.) Now that the


Senate has voted no money, the entire


appropriations bill (H.R. 14989) goes to a


Senate-House Conference to resolve this


and other differences. The House Con-


ferees have all supported the SACB. The


Senate Conferees include both supporters


and opponents. We anticipate, therefore,


that we will not be satisfied with the


results of the Conference. Fortunately,


Senator Ervin has vowed a floor fight if the


Conference votes any money at all for the


SACB.


Time is of the essence. The Senate-


House Conference and the floor fight (see


below) could come this week and will


certainly come before August 18 when


Congress adjourns for the Republican


July - August


aclu NEWS


Senator Tunney's Bill


On Financial Disclosure


Following are Senator Tunney's


remarks of introduction of his bill S. 3814,


the Financial Records Privacy Act, as


found in the Congressional Record for July


20, 1972:


Mr. TUNNEY. Mr. President, the bill


is designed to be an insurance policy


against unwarranted and' improper in-


trusions by person's banking life.


At the same time it will relieve the


banks from the uncomfortable and con-


flicting position of having to please both


the Government as well as the customer.


The bill is designed to cover all varieties


of financial institutions including banks, |


savings and loan associations, credit card


companies and the like. It prohibits un-


warranted disclosure of financial records


showing individual transactions in or with:


respect to a particular account. This


includes checks, invoices, or similar


instruments drawn on, issued, payable, or


billable by a financial institution.


The bill permits disclosure of the


protected information only upon certain


very well-defined conditions: First, when


the account holder has consented to it;


second, when a subpena has been served


| requiring those records; third, or when a


``probable cause'' hearing has been held


resulting in a court order requiring


disclosure of those records.


In the event a subpena is the means by


which the records are to be obtained, the


bill requires service to be made upon the


account holder himself in order that he


will have notice of its issuance thereby


affording him an opportunity to demand a


court hearing in the event he believes the


subpena to be improperly issued.


By requiring direct service of subpena


on the account holder, no longer will the


bank have to worry about whether it


should notify the account holder when a


subpena is served or whether it should


challenge the Government in court on the


customer's behalf.


Mr. President, I might add that the


Library of Congress has informed me that


there are over 100 different administrative


subpoenas which can be issued by Federal


governmental agencies and departments.


This incredible number of subpoenas


available to Government agents


demonstrates clearly the need to give


notice to the account holder, if we are


going to protect from improper intrusion


the right of banking privacy that


Americans have a right to expect.


The bill also provides, however, that


when a probable cause hearing has been


undergone which results in the issuance of


a court order for any particular bank


records, no such notice to the account


holder will be required on the part of law


enforcement agencies.


There is good reason for allowing law


enforcement authorities this method. If a


court determines there is probable cause


that a crime has been committed and that


the evidence will be found among the bank


records, the Constitutional fourth


`amendment protection will have been


safeguarded, and then enforcement


authorities should be allowed to utilize the


element of surprise.


The bill will allow the Federal- Deposit


Insurance Corporation, the Comptroller of


the Currency, and similar agencies to


preform periodic examination or audit of


financial records pursuant to -


statutory authority.


The bill prohibits for the most part any


such agency or, indeed, any other


governmental department or agency


obtaining records pursuant to the


procedures outlined in the bill, to use or


retain the disclosed information for any


purpose other than the specific statutory


purpose for which the information was


originally sought. This protection is


subject to one exception: Such in-


formation may be used and retained where


it provides evidence giving rise to com-


plaint or indictment within 6 months of


obtaining such information. This will have


the effect of precluding the accumulation


of such information for any noncriminal


investigatory purpose, but will not require


the Government to wear blinders in the


event some highly incriminating evidence


is disclosed.


The bill provides for civil remedies


against the financial institution, the


United States, or any other person or


agency violating the act as well as criminal


penalties. It also allows injunctive relief to


be available to persons who are affected by


violations of the act.


Tunney's staff wanted to draw particular


attention to the bill's section on Civil


Penalties.


*"CIVIL PENALTIES


**SEC. 7. (a) For each willful violation


of this title, the person to whom such


records relate may recover from such


financial institution, The United States or


any other person willfully violating this


title an amount equal to the sum of-


`*(1) any actual damages sustained by


such person as a result of the violation;


**(2) such punitive damages as the court


may allow; but not less than $5,000; and


**(3) in the event of any successful


action to enforce liability under this


section, the cost of the action together


with a reasonable attorney's fee as


determined by the court.


`"`(b) For every other violation of this


Act, the person to whom such records


relate may recover from such financial


institution, the United States, or any


other person violating this title an amount


equal to the sum of-


`*(1) any actual damages sustained by


such person or the sum of $1,000,


whichever is greater; and


**"(2) in the event of any successful


action to enforce liability under this


section, the cost of the action together.


with a reasonable attorney's fee as


determined by the court.


"*(c) An action to enforce any liability


under this Act may be brought in any


appropriate United States district court


without regard to the amount in con-


troversy, or in any other court of com-


petent jurisdiction, within three years


from the date on which the liability arises,


or the date of discovery of such liability,


whichever is longer.''


Convention. We desperately need


everyone to immediately write letters.


Analyzing the votes cast in the June 16


Senate vote along with the absentees, we


have an absolute majority. However, the


SACB is only one item in a $4.6 million


appropriation bill and Senators will be


under pressure to go along. Our job is to


see that they stand firm against funding


the SACB, even if it means delaying the


appropriation bill. Again, the basic points


to make are that the SACB's blacklisting


activities violate the First Amendment


and that continued funding, despite


repeated court decisions ruling their work


unconstitutional, constitutes a massive


waste of the taxpayers' money.


Action: All Senators should be con-


tacted, informed that a Senate floor fight is


likely, and urged to vote to reject any


Conference Report which contains money


for the SACB.


a


CETERA


News of the


Sacramento


A public forum which the Chapter


sponsored on "`Women and the Media'',


was taped by KPFA FM radio when it was


done on June 14, and will be broadcast on


August 16th from 9-10 p.m. over KPFA,


94.1 on the FM dial.


Some of the issues which were debated


were the portrayal of women in news and


in media advertising, coverage of


women's issues, employment ratios of


women to men in the media, and whether


local newspapers and television are


responding to the needs of the local


community.


One of the panelists is ACLU-NC staff.


attorney Deborah Hinkle.


Others are Sigrid Peek, Sacramento


Bee; Roy Heatly, KRON-TV, San


Francisco; Rose King, Sacramento State;


and Bill Dorman, Sacramento State, who


moderates the program.


Berkeley-Albany


The Berkeley-Albany Chapter wants


`members to run fof its Board. A


Nominating Committee (Mike Rappaport,


Addie Collins, Carolyn Cowan, Eileen


Keech. and Hans Sluis) will accept


nominations bearing signatures of five (5)


Chapter members. Send nominations to


P.O. Box 121, Berkeley, 94701 by


August 21. The nominee must consent to


run. If you have questions, phone 548-


1322,


Santa Clara


Robert Baines, volunteer ACLU at-


torney, has charged the county youth


authorities with ``unconstitutional


censorship'' of younsters' mail in county


juvenile facilities.


He contended the practice of reading all


incoming and outgoing mail written by


and to inmates at the Juvenile Center and


the boys' and girls' ranches violates the


First, Fourth, Sixth and Fourteenth


amendment rights of free speech, free


association to petition the government,


to counsel, privacy and freedom from


illegal search and seizure.


Richard Bothman, acting chief juvenile


probation officer, said the mail is indeed


6ecent


read, in an attempt to intercept ``con-


traband'' such as narcotics and to look for


""deleterious'' action, such as escape,


planned by inmates of the youth facilities.


He said the practice may be temporarily


suspended pending a county counsel's


ruling and would be halted if ruled un-


constitutional.


Baines said ACLU would ``pursue all


remedies available to us'' to end the


practice.


_@


Marin |


A picnic is planned for the Saturday


afternoon of September 16 at Stolte Grove


in Mill Valley. If the Death Penalty


Initiative is on the November Ballot, this


will be the subject of the day. Members


will receive more details in the next few


weeks.


Mt. Diablo


The Mt. Diablo Chapter has been


among several Contra Costa County


citizens groups who have questioned the


need for the proposed 500-inmate


maximum security county jail and has


requested a delay in its planning.


Last April, the board of supervisors


voted to proceed with plans for the new


jail, even as they hired the Bay Area


Social Planning Council to explore the


various alternatives to the jail.


The ACLU, in a_ letter to the board


deplored ``the waste of taxpayers' money


in continuing to pay any further architects


fees'? and asked suspension of jailing


_ planning until the study is completed. .


Johnson Clark, writing for ACLU's jail


study committee says, ``There is a strong


possibility the council will find a $12


million jail an unnecessary burden on the


county taxpayers and an obstacle to the


rehabilitation of prisoners, which should


be the aim of civilized society.''


San Francisco


Following a couple of inquiries by the


Chapter's Employment Rights Com-


mittee, the Public Utilities Commission


has changed its policy of having its


Assistant Manager function as both


prosecutor and judge at hearings of


departmental charges against Muni


employees.


The PUC justified its policy first as


mandated by the San Francisco City


Charter, then by a `doctrine of


necessity,'' and finally changed the policy


after ``objections were raised by `people


like you."


July - August


$B aclu NEWS


Need oi ( Help


In this issue of aclu NEWS there are six


opportunities for you to get involved in


ACLU activities - actions we want to


take that will only happen if members like


you pitch in and help. Which ones can we


count on you for?


-Death Penalty Initiative Campaign


(page 1)


-National legislative issues (page 7)


-Renew and refer for ACLU (page 8)


-Watch KQED (page 8)


-Listen to KPFA (page 8)


-Send rich friends to fund projects


(page 3)


Q Guard Fired Over Hair


Legal Director Chuck Marson recently


filed an appeal in the California Court of


Appeals on behalf of Mr. Danniel H.


Kientz, former San Quentin Guard. .


Kientz was fired because he refused to


comply with his superior's order to trim


his sideburns. The dismissal was justified


on the grounds that he violated a rule


requiring him to be ``neat and clean.''


The State Personnel Board has upheld


his dismissal on the grounds that ``The


limited restraint on the appellant's


constitutional rights to appear as he


pleased is outweighed by the benefit'' to


San Quentin of having such a rule in a


`"semi-military organization.''


Following the Personnel Board's


decision, Mr. Kienz petitioned the court


for a Writ of Mandate under a section of


the Code of Civil Procedure. The court


however, denied the petition stating that


the decision of the State Personnel Board


would be upheld.


_ The A.C.L.U. brief states that the order


of the Personnel Board was not ``sup-


ported by the findings'' and that the


`findings were not supported by the


evidence.'' It points out that ``California


law holds that a public employee has a


fundamental right based upon the first and


fourteenth amendment to groom himself


as he pleases, subject only to compelling


countervailing interests not present in Mr.


Kientz' case.''


The suit also claims that the standard of


grooming enforced against Mr. Kienz was


unconstitutionally vague as applied to


him.


The length of Mr. Kienz' sideburns;


one half inch below his ear, may seem


trivial, but his firing is not, the brief


asserts.


Renew and Refer


We are very pleased that nearly all


members have now renewed for 1972. But


there is still a thousand or two of you out


there that we haven't heard from yet.


Certainly hope your support will


continue at this critical time. We are now


engaged in some of the most important


battles in our history: the major suit


challenging the Bank Secrecy Act, for


one; and the fight in Sacramento over the


Women's Equal Rights Amendment, for


another. We also face an unprecedented


number of state initiative fights: the death


penalty, busing, marijuana, obscenity and


privacy.


We need your support NOW.


Many who have renewed have received


a request for names of friends who might


join ACLU. Eventually, all will be asked.


Thanks very much to those who have


responded so enthusiastically. Some


people have emptied out their address


books. Good. That's just what we need.


We have contacted some of your friends


already, although most will be written this


Fall, when they've returned from


vacations, etc. Again, thanks.


Radio Listening


Note


ACLU completed its third COM-


MENTARY program of KPFA FM


radio on July 28, with Jay Miller and


Summer Intern Rikki Grubb discussing


civil liberties and the women's rights


movement.


Next program will be Friday, Aug. 25


at 5 p.m. That's KPFA radio, at 94 on


your FM dial.


TV Viewing Note


KQED TV, Channel 9, will air an


hour panel discussion of the decisions


of the 1971-72 U.S. Supreme Court on


August 30, at 8:30 p.m.


Moderator for the show is former


ACLU-NC_ Staff Counsel Marshall


Krause. Panel members are ACLU-NCeuro


General Counsel Paul Halvonik,


ACLU-NC Legal Committee Co-


Chairman Jerry Falk, and Stanford Law


Professor Gerald Gunther.


Women continued


Continued from page 5


She was completely unable to change the


credit cards to her own name at the time of


her husband's death. Ultimately, she kept


. his charge accounts, and even opened new


ones in his name, because it became


obvious that a man who has been dead for


six years has a higher credit standing than


a woman widowed and working.


As the director of Women's Affairs in


the. Minnesota Department of Human


Rights stated at the Commission hearings:


"If you're married and in your


childbearing years, you're a bad credit


risk; if you're divorced, you're a bad


credit risk; if you're single, you're a bad


credit risk. Men are bad credit risks when


they don't pay their bills. Women - just


because they are women."'


The ACLU has received many calls


from angry women who are rebuffed in


their attempts to obtain credit, loans, and


mortgages. In fact, complaints about sex


discrimination in the extenstion of credit


come to our attention more frequently


than any others in the area of women's


rights.


Unfortunately, the issue does not lend


itself to easy resolution, by the ACLU or


any other attorneys.


One problem in obtaining judicial relief


has always been that no existing


legislation clearly prohibits sex


discrimination in credit. Congresswoman


Abzug has introduced several bills which


would bar sex discrimination in credit


and mortgage transactions. And


Congresswoman Green submitted a


similar bill concerning the availability and


scope of insurance coverage for women.


But for the moment, any legal challenge is


without the benefit of supportive


precedent or a legislative mandate.


ACLU-NC staff feel strongly that credit


discrimination contravenes a developing


national policy against sex discrimination,


declared in Title VII of the 1964 Civil


Rights Act, and the recently passed Equal


_ Rights Amendment. We would like to


broaden this public policy to sustain a


judicial challenge to the above-


mentioned practices. ACLU members


should: write their U.S. Congressional


representatives, to register support for the


proposed legislation. And they should


protest those agencies who invoke sex-


discriminatory policies.


Women's rights has been designated a


high priority project by ACLU-NC and a


proposal is being prepared to obtain


foundation funding for such a project. In


the meantime, such litigative, legislative


and educational action will continue as is


possible with existing staff.


Anyone with ideas on possible funding


sources for a women's rights project give


Jay Miller a call at 433-2750.


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