vol. 37, no. 6
Primary tabs
Published by the American Civil Liberties Union of Northern California
Volume XXXVII
San Francisco, July - August, 1972
No. 6
Bank Secrecy Act
Is Restrained
The nationwide temporary restraining
order, issued June 30 to prohibit im-
plementation of the Bank Secrecy Act,
was corttinued July 17 by a three-judge
Federal Court, which took the matter
under submission. The restraining order is
against the government disclosure
requirements only, allowing the
requirement of filmed records on all
checks until the merits of the con-
stitutional argument are ruled on.
U.S. District Judge William T.
Sweigert, who had issued the TRO, was
joined on the panel by U.S. District Judge
William G. East of Oregon and Oliver D.
Hamblin, U.S. Circuit Court Judge.
The Court heard from Legal Director
Charles Marson and from Board member
A plaintiff in the Bank Secrecy Act -
Suit is Fortney H. Stark, Jr., President
of Walnut Creek's Security National
Bank, Democratic Congressional
Candidate from the Eighth District,
and former ACLU-NC Board Member.
and volunteer attorney Neil Horton, who
said the act imposes ``wholesale invasion
of privacy on millions of individuals for the
government's purpose of obtaining in-
formation about a handful of tax or
criminal violators.'' arson said it
amounted to `"`exploitation of a regulated
industry to make banks government spies
on their customers.'' =
The California Bankers Association has
filed a companion suit, and the Court
heard their attorney John Anderson state
that compliance would
million checks a~ month in California
alone, at an estimated cost to the banks of
$50,000.
Anderson also pointed out that an
assurance of privacy is a bank service and
that they have no wish to violate it. He
said, ``We don't want to be a diarist of our
customers financial affairs, we don't want
to be someone's Boswell."'
In reply the attorney for Department of
Justice's tax division, John J. McCarthy,
simply stated that no right of privacy
exists for bank customers and_ their
financial records.
_ Ina legislative development to maintain
financial records privacy, California
Senator John V. Tunney introduced a bill
on July 20 which he described as ``an
insurance policy against unwarranted and
improper intrusion by anyone, including
government, into a person's bank-life.''
The bill would permit banks to provide
customers' records only:
involve 250
-When the customer gives his con-
sent, or
-When a subpoena is served on the
customer, or
-When a court order is issued, based
on a showing of ``probable cause.''
In reference to the government's
contention that bank customers have no
tight of privacy, Tunney states, ``It is
very apparent that our government, with
its insatiable appetite for information, has
an incredible lack of sensitivity concerning
the people's right to be let alone.''
Executive Director Jay A. Miller had
written both Senators Tunney and
Cranston in April calling for such
legislation following a Bay Area incident
of FBI surveillance of bank records
California Senator John V. Tunney
has introduced legislation which is
designed to prevent improper in-
trusion into financial records. More
details on the bill are on Page 7.
without proper authorization.
ACLU members will shortly be
receiving a letter from Senator Tunney
explainirly his bill, which is being sent
through ACLU's mailing house. More
details on the bill are on page 7.
The national ACLU has also filed suit
challenging the Bank Secrecy -Act, in
early July in Washington DC. They are in
conversation with the American Bankers
Association about filing a companion suit,
although no final decision has been
reached at this time.
ACLU Executive Director Aryeh Neier
sent letters to the nation's 100 largest
banks last April expressing concern over
the role banks have been playing in the
government's increasing surveillance of
citizens. He stated that, ``many banks
voluntarily allow agents of the govern-
ment - police, FBI agents, investigators
for Congressional committees - to
examine at will the records of individual
and organizational accounts, without the
permission or indeed the knowledge of any
of the people involved.''
ACLU's challenge to the Bank Secrecy
Act has received nationwide attention -
even worldwide, to quote Wirtschafts
publicist Dr. Eckard Paul Imhof, ``Nach-
demdie Jokale fresse uber die Klage der
ACLU berichtet hatte, die die Aufhenb-
vugeines angeblich verfassungswidri-
gen,' and he goes on like that for three or
four columns in the Basler Nachrichten.
Death Penalty:
The U.S. Supreme Court ended its
current session with a monumental
decision on June 29, Furman v. Georgia,
holding that the death penalty was a cruel
and unusual punishment forbidden by the
Eighth and Fourteenth Amendments, at
least where death was imposed under
statutes authorizing its discretionary
imposition.
How They Voted
The five Justices comprising the
majority wrote separate opinions. Justices
Brennan and Marshall took the position
that ``the death penalty is constitutionally
impermissible in all circumstances under
the Eighth and Fourteenth Amend-
ments.' Mr. Justice Stewart, while
recognizing that the ``case is a strong
one' for this position found it ``un-
necessary to reach (that) . . . ultimate
question."' The ultimate question would
be raised, he wrote, if mandatory as well
as discretionary death sentences were
before the Court. Since they were not, he
concluded only that the discretionary form
of death-sentencing was unconstitutional.
`Mr. Justice Douglas also condemned
discretionary capital punishment,
reserving the question ``(w)hether a
mandatory death penalty would . . . be
constitutional'? assuming that it were
even-handedly enforced.
Finally, Mr. Justice White agreed that
the discretionary aspect of capital punish-
ment rendered it unconstitutionally cruel
and unusual, putting aside only the
question of ``the facial constitutionality of
statutes requiring the imposition of the
death penalty for first degree murder, for
more narrowly defined categories of
munder or for rape. 1
The conclusion is inescapable that the
Supreme Court of the United States -
however close the vote - has forbidden
discretionary death sentencing. ``This
much seems apparent,'' as the Chief
Justice wrote for the four dissenters, "`if
the legislatures are to continue to
authorize capital punishment for some
crimes, juries and judges can no longer be
permitted to make the sentencing
determination in the same manner they
have in the past."'
What About the
Initiative?
Coming immediately after an initiative
qualified to be placed on California's
November ballot to reinstate the death
penalty, the high court's decision raises
serious questions on its legality.
The initiative measure would resurrect
all of the California death penalty statutes
as they existed on February 17, 1972,
when the California Supreme Court struck
them down as violative of this state
constitution's ``cruel or unusual punish-
ment'' clause.
However, the principal death penalty
Death Penalty
_ Statutes the initiative seeks to reinstate - .
those under which no doubt over 90 per
cent of death sentences are imposed - are
statutes which allow for discretionary
death or imprisonment sentences for
murder, kidnaping or sabotage. These the
U.S. Supreme Court has clearly forbidden.
What would be the meaning or effect
of passage of the initiative?
No one really knows for sure. But it
seems clear to the ACLU that it is a waste
of taxpayer's money to vote on a measure
that is substantially unconstitutional and
one whose effect might be essentially quite
different from what many who favor it and
vote for it assume.
What can we do?
One action ACLU has taken was to file
Levit v. Brown on July 19 in the State
Supreme Court, requesting that the
initiative not be placed on the November
ballot.
Even those favoring the death penalty
agree that the initiative can not do what it
says, now that the Supreme Court ruled
Who Will Decide?
out discretionary death sentencing. But
they argue that passage of this measure
would reinstate mandatory death- sen-
tencing and that would make it
worthwhile.
Since mandatory death statutes are
mainly for some rather strange and
unusual crimes (no one has ever been
convicted under most of them), spending
tens of thousands of dollars to decide the
question would be a gross misuse of
taxpayer's money.
Those crimes which carry a mandatory
death penalty are:
e The seemingly impossible offense of
treason against the State of California;
@ That most astounding of all capital
offenses - which simultaneously admits
the fallibility of human judicial process
and attaches irremediable consequences to
it - the capital crime of procuring the
execution of an innocent man by perjury
in a capital case; :
e Deadly assault by a life-term inmate
on a non-inmate;
e Train-wrecking resulting in injury.
But the ballot proposition, as now
stated, would not provide a clear vote on
even this question. A voter who believes
' capital punishment should be permitted
only if the jury has the right to reduce the
penalty in specific cases might vote for the
initiative, since its language claims that is
its effect, not realizing that the Supreme
Court's decision has knocked the sections
out that he favored. A voter surely has the
right to expect that his vote will be
counted for or against a proposition as it
appears on the ballot, not on some revised
proposition to be reconstructed later from
bits and pieces of the original, giving it an
entirely different meaning.
The ACLU suit points out that courts
have previously held illegal such artificial
slicing up of initiatives to remove voided
portions that were an integral part of what
was voted on.
What else can we do?
On an issue as important as this one, we
must use all available means to insure
success. This means we have to get started
right away letting the public know the
facts on this ballot proposition. No money
is available for an expensive advertising
campaign. This means that the word must
get out by each of us telling his neighbors
and friends, by you requesting that we
send a speaker to your club or
organization, by the kind of grass roots
work that seems so slow and exhausting,
but has proven so successful in many
campaigns. _
The ACLU, through the Coalition to
End the Death Penalty, is now organizing
for such an effort. We need a lot of
volunteer help... your help. Let us know
you'll help. Call 781-2597 or mail us the
following coupon:
SS SS SS SS eS SS SE Se ey
| pound a
Rs |
ic = c
a . 5
| 0) = |
Qc n
| eo (c) ES
o oOo (c) 2 yn
| WE Os 3} A (R)
a 9 o S |
Soo = 8 ae
2 Sc a @ =
2 aaa Ss
(c)
Le fee pl
= ew g q
| a a ow z |
Le a os o
eS = i Ww
a = 2 on
c. 5 8 = Ro
Ww (R) a ~ bee
" oO = pound 2 oe |
= ee Eos eat
. Z
| Sg 2 - Bo s wots
e Ww 9 (R) So
ic is S Leow
a ec "4 a) EEO
ro S =) Us a ALY
Ww @ OO centd = QO+0ccent
o - cena c @oco
a5 x= z
FES os 2 wt Cn
wo es
0) 6 5 Ww ae ce ofu
ee a = Pee |
w Fk wu. eae
a 2G" ef 2 3 2
og CO 24 a 8 = |
| PRE 8 ee (c) 5
Se 3} a
of=fv Fi cS BE |
E sm oO 2S 0x00A7 3 o
CG o Oy = oO U |
MY oa OS =
Sf Ss a5 5 OS a
Sa 260 = Or= vo
Sa cS 5 ~*~ ow pound
QO (c) se 25 6 = 6
= So pound2 = = |
S o Deters wo Son
| = oS = go = acc CS
= = == "n
See 2 oe eo i |
ee Be eee
a 0 = (c) i
% Co One
l SS One cies Os
LEGAL
Recently, All Wins
We have had a string of wins this
summer by our volunteer and staff at-
torneys, which we are always pleased to
report.
Flag Burning
The California 3rd District Court of
Appeal has struck down the state flag
desecration law in Alford v. Municipal
Court, a case argued over a year ago by
Sacramento volunteer Joseph Samuel.
The unanimous decision overturned
both Municipal and Superior Court
decisions, ruling the First Amendment
was violated by section 614(d) of the -
Military and Veterans Code which
provided that whoever ``Publicly
mutilates, defaces, defiles or tramples any
(American) flag'' is guilty of a
misdemeanor.
Presiding Justice Fred Pierce stated
that, ``Loyalty to the state of one's
residence is a usual and desirable social
behavior. But legislative prohibition of
defacement of a state flag has a First
Amendment implication. Any person has
the right to dislike the state within which
he lives and to say so."'
The court took note of the thousands of
flag-depicted articles, from auto decals, to
martini decorations, that made the law
suffer from overbreadth.
Michael L. Alford was one of two 19-
year-old Sacramentans accused of burning
an American flag on the steps of the state
Capitol Building during an anti-war
demonstration May 8, 1970.
Right to Transcript
The California Supreme Court also
ruled in our favor in March v. Municipal
Court, in which Legal Director Charles
Marson filed an amicus curiae brief. The
case was remanded to the trial court to
reconsider the indigent misdemeanant's
motion for a transcript at public expense,
with both reasons for its original denial
overturned.
This win was helped greatly by a
decision last December of the U. S.
Supreme Court in Mayer v. City of
Chicago, which had the effect of shifting
the burden of proof of need for a complete
transcript, versus some summary
alternative, from the indigent to the state.
This Court points out that Mayer reverses
Magezis on which the trial court's
decision -was based, a case we carried and
lost a couple of years ago.
The Court also flatly rejected the lower
Court's novel contention that Rachel
March. et al, arrestees from San Francisco
State College's ``mass bust,'' were not
indigents because they were students, and
could quit school, get a job, earn some
money and then afford to buy the tran-
script. The decision states, `"The relevant
consideration in determining indigency is
whether the petitioner's current financial
status affords him equal access to the legal
_ process. Such a determination cannot
include an evaluation of the appellant's
future earning potential or even his
present potential had he chosen to employ
himself in a more financially rewarding ~
manner."
Police Brutality
General Counsel Ephraim Margolin
reports success in a case he handled as an
ACLU volunteer attorney involving
Berkeley police brutality. The win took
the form of an out-of-court settlement for
the victim of $1250.
Details of the case are reminiscent of
charges of police brutality of the press at
last May's anti-war demonstrations in
Berkeley and San Francisco. It involves
New York Human Rights Commissioner
Jonathan Strong, who chanced to be in
Berkeley on May 5, 1970 at the scene of a
public gathering to which police were
called.
Strong had a camera with him, and took
pictures of police using what he considered
to be excessive force to detain someone.
The police then turned on him and took
his camera away, inflicting bruises and a
black eye in the process. Fortunately for
Strong, another bystander also had a
camera and caught this action.
Strong was highly appreciative of the
ACLU efforts on his behalf, and has made
a donation to the ACLU Foundation.
Long Hair
Michael C. Tobriner, California Rural
Legal Assistance attorney in Healdsburg,
advises that he and Sonoma County at-
torney Jay Cantor appeared as volunteer
ACLU counsel in a hearing on an
unemployment insurance claim for Robert
M. O'Brian of Santa Rosa.
The Referee's decision was that
O'Brian's long hair and beard did not
constitute an unwillingness to accept any
employment without restrictions, noting
that he had always been willing to alter his
"appearance to satisfy any potential em-
ployer's requirements, and had bought a
wig for that express purpose.
The decision pointed out that while a
Department survey showed some em-
ployers in O'Brian's field had a reluctance
to hire someone with long hair or a beard,
other employers indicate an indifference to
the worker's appearance and are primarily
concerned with production and good
work.
Reference was made to ACLU-NC's
favorable decision in Hugh King v.
Unemployment Insurance Appeals Board,
which the California Supreme Court has
just upheld by denying hearing. In this
case the Court of Appeals stated ``A beard
for a man is an expression of his per-
sonality . . . a symbol of masculinity, of
authority, and of wisdom .. . (or) a symbol
of non-conformity and rebellion. Symbols
under appropriate circumstances merit
constitutional protection.'
Prison Rules
General Counsel Paul Halvonik was a
plaintiff in a suit won by Public Ad-
vocates, Inc., which challenged
rulemaking procedures of the Department
of Corrections and the Adult Authority.
Sacramento Superior Court Judge
William Gallagher held that these
agencies, which run California's prison
system, should promulgate new
regulations according to provisions of the
Administrative Procedure Act (such as
holding public hearings), as other state
agencies must.
The attorneys bringing the suit ex-
plained that, in the past, even finding out
what regulations the two departments
have has been nearly impossible for at-
torneys representing prisoners.
Raymond Procunier, Director of the
Department of Corrections, has said that
`the state will appeal.
_ If the judge's ruling holds, all ae rules
and regulations of the prisons (many of |
which are very arbitrary and capricious)
will be struck cown. Halvonik feels that
because of the public scrutiny that will
now be on the rules, the departments may
abandon some of their ``Mickey Mouse
regulations."'
=
July - August
aclu NEWS
New Legal Staff
The office is filled this summer with
many new legal faces including one new
staff attorney and four summer interns.
Joining us full-time is Peter Sheehan,
who first came on the staff part-time last
winter on a Coro Foundation Internship.
This program provides young people,
many of whom are still students, with
practical public service experience while
they are receiving subsistence level in-
come. When the Internship expired the
experience was mutually satisfactory
enough that the ACLU Foundation
Fellowship was established, and Sheehan
became its first recipient. He was admitted
to the California Bar this January.
Sheehan was graduated from Boalt
Hall Law School last year, after re-
ceiving his B.A. in political science from
San Jose State in 1968. While at Boalt he
was on Law Review and did work with the
NAACP Legal Defense Fund, C.R.L.A.,
and a Criminal Law Reform Bail Project.
Making an important contribution to
our legal efforts this summer are four law
school summer interns. They are John
Oakley (Yale), Ann Hasse (Boalt), Erica
Grubb (Harvard) and Richard Gabrielli
(Yale). We will certainly miss the fine
work they have been doing as they return.
to school this Fall,
Black Panthers Win
San Francisco Municipal Court Judge
John J. Hopkins dismissed complaint on
July 28 against four Black Panther Party
members who were arrested for soliciting
for the free breakfast program, declaring
two criminal codes unconstitutional.
Representing the Panthers was Peter
Sheehan, Staff Attorney for the ACLU-NC
Overturned as an unconstitutional prior
restraint on free speech because it is vague
and without precise standards, is
Municipal Police Code 590, which
requires a permit from the Police Chief to
"*solicit memberships financial
assistance ... or to sell... any article...
on the plea, statement or representation
that such solicitation is for a charitable,
patriotic or philantropic purpose.'' A.
permit is to be issued only if the Chief is
satisfied that:
**Such purpose or object of such
solicitation is worthy and not incompatible
with public interest, and that the applicant
and other persons to be engaged in said
solicitation are of good character and that
the total costs and expenses of such
solicitation are not disproportionate to the
sum proposed to be collected thereby, and
that a permit should be issued there-
fore
Sheehan observes, ``Defendants and the
Chief of Police have deep and undoubtedly
sincere differences over what is a `worthy'
purpose. In fact, it seems quite likely there
would be very substantial differences
among Police Chiefs on such a subjective
standard. Most of the wording of the code
is similarly vague, such as `good
character' or `not incompatible with the
public interest.' This gives the police
dictatorial power over the content of ideas
advanced in public in San Francisco.
Also overturned was Penal Code No.
647(e), which the ACLU contended
violates the Fifth Amendment guarantee
against compulsory _ self-incrimination.
This code section requires citizens to
identify themselves and account for their
presence (at the scene of the questioning)
when required to do so by a peace officer,
under certain circumstances.
Sheehan points out that, ``Uhless police
"suspect a person of being involved in evil,
wrongful or improper conduct, they have
no right. to. question him. Therefore,
making it a crime not to answer places him
in a `Catch 22' situation. If he accounts
for his presence he may be actually giving
evidence which will in some way be used
against him. But if he refuses to answer,
this statute makes him guilty of a crime
anyway."
Defendants in the case were Victor
Grayson, Ronald V. Stallings, Glynn E.
Wheeler and Mack H. Wilson.
The Franklin
San Mateo Superior Court Judge Robert
Miller last week sustained claims by Bruce
and Jane Franklin to protection under the
First and Fifth Amendments from being
compelled to. discuss their political
associations and views as_ reluctant
prosecution witnesses in a trial of cae
alleged political associates.
The Franklins, members of the
organization Venceremos, were sub-
poenaed to testify for the prosecution in a
felony trial in which two defendants
(allegedly also members of Venceremos)
were on trial for knowing possession of an
explosive device, and one of them on the
additional charge of felony assault on an
officer. The explosive device consisted of
wires, switches, an alarm clock and a
buzzer. The charges grew out of a raid
conducted by police on a house on Chester
Street in Menlo Park.
The prosecution sought to establish
through the Franklins that the defendants -
Affair
had specific intent to use the device as a
bomb, on the theory that the Franklins
believe in bombs, the defendants associate
with the Franklins in Venceremos, and
therefore the defendants believe in bombs.
To this end the prosecutor sought to
compel answers to questions such as `` Are
you a member of Venceremos? Are you a
revolutionary? Did you write this book?
Did you write this paragraph?''
The Franklins were represented at the
trial by Legal Director Charles Marson,
who objected to the questions on the
grounds that they impermissibly intruded
into the Franklins' rights to free speech
and association and also, according to the
prosecution's guilt-by-association theory,
called for incriminating testimony. Judge
Miller held that both privileges were
properly claimed with respect to all
questions, and refused to compel answers.
This week the jury ee both
defendants.
aclu NEWS
9 issues a year, monthly except bi-monthly in March - April, July - August,
and November-December
Published by the American Civil Liberties Union of Northern California
Second Class Mail privileges authorized at San Francisco, California
Howard Jewel, Chairman of the Board
William Kane, Editor and Public Information Director
593 Market Street, San Francisco, California 94105-433-2750
Membership $10 and up of which $2.50 is the annual subscription fee for aclu News.
Jay Miller, Executive Director
LEGAL
July - August
3 aclu NEWS
Free Speech Victory
In Fresno
Editor's Note; The following article
discusses the impact on the community
of Fresno of the firing of a planning
commissioner for his public criticism
of the board of supervisors, and his
reinstatement by the court, 0x00B0 as
_ reported in last month's aclu NEWS.
Paul D. Bush
Fresno Chapter Board Member
The principle that freedom of speech is a
cornerstone of democratic government has
seldom been more clearly demonstrated
than it was in a case recently decided in
the Superior Court of Fresno County.
Judge Matt Goldstein, ruling in Moore v.
Board. of Supervisors, found that the
Fresno County Board of Supervisors had
deprived planning commissioner Dr.
Heyward Moore, Jr. of his con-
stitutionally protected right of free speech.
The Board had summarily fired Dr.
Moore from the planning commission
because he had publicly criticized the
Board's record on county planning. The
case has become a cause celebre in the San
Joaquin Valley, and it has generated a
grassroots movement to bring about
reform in county government.
The case arose from a speech given by
Dr. Moore at a planning seminar held at
Fresno State College on August 28, 1971.
Moore is an associate professor of political
science at Fresno State College (now
designated as California State University
at Fresno), who, at the time, had served
almost two years of a three-year term on
the Fresno County Planning Commission.
In the course of his talk to the seminar,
Moore stated that local land developer
John Bonadelle had ``taken a weak and
very imperfect system and almost totally
corrupted it.' Moore also alleged that
Bonadelle had exerted ``undue influence''
on a majority of the Board of Supervisors.
On September 14, 1971, the Board of
Supervisors fired Moore from the planning
commission. They took this action solely
on the basis of the news report of Moore's
speech printed in the August 29, 1971
edition of the Fresno Bee. They made no
formal charges against Moore, nor did
they hold a hearing to determine whether
or not the report of Moore's speech was
accurate, or whether Moore's ability and
fitness to hold his position on the planning
commission were in any way adversely
affected by his exercise of free speech. So
precipitous was the move to fire him, the
matter was brought up unannounced in
the middle of a crowded morning's
agenda.
Without any apparent purpose for doing
so, Board Chairman John Ventura began
reading a curious statement of his reasons
for voting as ``he did'' (in the past tense)
to discharge Dr. Moore. To the em-
barrassment of his colleagues on the Board
and County Counsel Robert Wash, who
had drafted the statement, Ventura had
read his reasons for voting on a matter that
had not yet been placed before the Board.
When the motion was finally made,
Supervisors Wesley Craven, James O.
Cassidy and Joseph Reich voted with
Ventura to remove Moore. Only
Supervisor John Krebs, a Fresno attorney
and himself a former member of the
planning commission, voted against the
motion.
Krebs had long been at odds with his
colleagues on the Board. Two years
earlier, the other four supervisors had
voted not to reappoint Krebs to a second
term on the planning commission. Krebs
had been appointed by the late Supervisor
Dr. Heyward Moore, Jr.
| Jefferson Gene Hahesy. When members of
the Board refused even to second
Hahesy's renomination of Krebs, Hahesy
nominated Moore, and Moore received a
unanimous vote of appointment. Later
that year, Supervisor Hahesy was involved
in an automobile accident and suffered
injuries which left him in a comatose state
for several months, and ultimately proved
fatal. Krebs ran for Hahesy's seat on the
Board in a friendly recall election and won.
Both as a member of the planning com-
mission and as a member of the Board of
Supervisors, John Krebs had repeatedly
- voiced his opposition to the vested in-
terests. which~ sought to influence the
planning processes. He was' particularly
critical of millionaire Bonadelle's in-
fluence on the majority of the Board, and
his expression of this concern at Board
meetings often generated acrimonious
debates between himself and _ other
members of the Board.
Thus the issue of John Bonadelle's
influence on county government was a hot
political issue by the time Dr. Moore gave
his speech to the planning seminar at
Fresno State College. In his premature
statement of reasons for voting on a matter
which had not yet come before the Board,
Chairman Ventura justified his decision to
fire Moore on the grounds that in making
his remarks to the planning seminar,
Moore was ``undermining . .
confidence in this Board.'' Ventura
.charged that Moore's ``false implications,
innuendos, insinuations were highly
improper and unethical and either
malicious or showing such poor judgment
as to justify his removal from the Planning
Commission.'? Other members of the
Board concurred with Ventura and added
to the record their own expressions of
outrage over Moore's public criticisms of
the Board.
The public reaction to the news of
Moore's firing was one of general disbelief
and anger. When Dr. Moore decided, as a
matter of principle, that he would
challenge the Board's decision to fire him,
he received overwhelming financial and
moral support from all segments of the
community. The issues in the Moore case
ignited a broad-based citizens' movement
for reform in county government. It at-
tracted Democrats and Republicans,
middle class whites and the minority poor,
liberals and conservatives. And because of
the central importance of the planning
process to the issues of the case, all of the
county's ecological groups became deeply
involved in the movement. An ad hoc
group of citizens was formed to coordinate
the effort. It was called the Citizens for
Responsible Government.
As its first undertaking, the Committee
. public.
circulated a petition which read: ``We,
the undersigned believe that the removal
of Dr. Heyward Moore from the Fresno
County Planning Commission was an
unwarranted move to silence legitimate
criticism of the Board of Supervisors and
the planning process. We, therefore,
demand the immediate reinstatement of
Dr. Moore to the Commission.'' This
`petition, signed by over 2,000 citizens of
the county, was presented to the Board of
Supervisors on September 28, 1971.
Supervisor Krebs moved to reinstate Dr.
Moore, but his motion failed to receive a
second. The Board also refused Moore's
personal demand that he be reinstated.
This set the stage for Moore's suit.
Dr. Moore retained the San Francisco
firm of Penrod, Himmelstein, Savinar and
Sims, and he asked the ACLU-NC to
enter the suit as an amicus. Fresno at-
torneys Donald H. Glasrud and Lenore
Schreiber volunteered to write and present
the amicus brief for the ACLU.
The brief for a premptory writ of
mandate submitted by attorneys Penrod
and Sims was based upon the following
causes of action: 1) the Board had
violated Dr. Moore's freedom of speech in
firing him for making public criticisms of
the Board; 2) the Board violated Dr.
Moore's constitutional right to due
process when they failed to provide him
with notice of charges and an opportunity
to defend himself against those charges in
a fair hearing; 3) the county ordinance
cited by the Board as its authority for
firing Moore without a hearing is on its
face unconstitutional because it denies due
process of law; and, finally, 4) the Board
violated the Ralph M. Brown act, which
prohibits secret meetings of public bodies,
when two or more members of the
majority of the Board met in private and
clandestine meetings to decide Moore's
fate. oe
In the summary of his seventy-page
decision in the case, Judge Matt Goldstein
made the following observation on Dr.
Moore's testimony: `"The evidence
supports his conclusion that Bonadelle
was a powerful and menacing influence.
He used his influence successfully in the
exploitation of vast areas of virgin lands.
To Moore, and others who shared his
feelings, the name of `Bonadelle' had
become symbolic of an irresistible force,
species of Juggernaut that overwhelmed
its adversaries and successfully quenched
its thirst for unlimited control over vast
and poorly planned subdivisions in foothill
areas."
Other witnesses corroborated Moore's
detailed analysis of the corruption of the
planning process and expanded upon
Moore's charges that land-developer
Bonadelle had an undue influence on the
Board. Testimony was also given to effect
that Bonadelle had accomplished the
intimidation of officials in county
government who were responsible for
reviewing various aspects of his proposed
land developments.
One of these individuals, County
Health Director William DeFries, was
quoted by one witness as saying that he
believed that his job was in jeopardy unless
he compromised the County Health
Department's opposition to Bonadelle's
Wonder Valley mountain subdivision.
While DeRries denied he had ever ex-
~ pressed such fears, he admitted under oath
that he had destroyed numerous depart-
mental memoranda on Bonadelle sub-
divisions which other members of his staff
described as being highly critical of the
environmental health effects of
Bonadelle's mountain subdivisions.
During their testimony the majority of
the Board of Supervisors defended their
firing of Dr. Moore on the grounds that:
1) the county ordinances gave them the
authority to make such dismissals without
benefit of a hearing; 2) that Moore's
remarks were slanderous and thus tended
to undermine public confidence in the
Board; 3) that Moore's attendance
record had long been a matter of concern
to the Board; 4) that Moore had an-
`"`extremist'' voting record - that is, he
cast a rather high number of ``no'' votes
in planning commission meetings - and,
finally, 5) that Moore no longer enjoyed
the confidence of the Board and,
therefore, would not be able adequately to
perform his duties on the commission.
While testifying to his reasons for voting
against Moore, Supervisor Wesley Craven
gave the additional reason that Moore was
`*connected with the liberal left at Fresno
State College'' and that he and Moore had
pholosophies of government that are
`*entirely opposed to each other.''
In spite of their claims that they had
reasons for firing Moore other than their
disapproval of his public remarks about
them, the Board failed to persuade the
Court that it was not in fact Moore's
public criticism of the Board which led
directly to his dismissal. Thus the issue
that had to be joined was whether Dr.
Moore's public remarks were protected or
whether the Board had the right to protect
governmental efficiency by removing
Moore.
The controlling case was Pickering v.
Board of Education. n that case the U. S.
Supreme Court held that a public em-
ployee has the right to criticize publicly
his ultimate employer as long as that
criticism cannot be shown to be
detrimental to governmental efficiency
and, following the New York Times case.
test for malice, that such statements
cannot be proven to be false statements
knowingly or recklessly made.
In the brief they filed for the ACLU,
volunteer attorneys Glasrud and Schreiber
argued that Moore's public utterances
met the standards of protection set forth in
Pickering. Accordingly, they wrote: ``A
democracy such as ours can only function
properly if its citizenry is as fully and
accurately informed as possible on matters
of public concern such as the viability of
the planning process and the integrity and
responsiveness to the public interest of
those officials through which it functions.
Therefore, if petitioner's statements were
true, it cannot be doubted that the
balancing scale of Pickering must tip
against any interest in reducing impaired
efficiency, and in favor of the extremely:
important public interest in the right to
know, not to mention the petitioner's
personal right to uninhibited freedom of
speech."'
Glasrud and Schreiber go on from this
point to argue that the Pickering decision
does not require that the statements in
. question be true, but only that they were
not knowingly false and that they are not
made with a reckless disregard of the.
truth.
Summarizing the ultimate significance
of the Moore case, Glasrud and Schreiber
make the following observation: ``Dr.
Moore has been punished after the fact for
the exercise of his right of free speech.
This is important enough. But perhaps
more important is the resulting im-
pairment of the public interest in the right
to know. Our democratic process requires
a freely and fully informed electorate. It is
essential that the public receive in-
formation upon the functioning of our
systems of government and those persons
placed into positions of responsibility by
the electorate.
**Fear of dismissal obviously did not |
deter Dr. Moore in his exercise of First
Amendment rights. But, what is most
important, his dismissal certainly had a
chilling effect upon the exercise of First
Amendment. rights by other public
employees and officials. Such persons
often have the best vantage point from
which to accurately and critically observe
the functioning of government. The
retaliatory firing of Dr. Moore
necessarily has had a chilling effect upon
Continued on next page
LEG AL
July - August
aclu NEWS
Another Fresno Firing | Student Project Ends
For Speech
On the heels of the court victory for
Fresno planning commissioner Heyward
Moore (see opposite page), another Fresno
public servant, fired for criticizing his
superiors, was restored to his job.
Fresno Narcotics Bureau chemist Joe.
Power Jr. was fired last September for
sending a letter a year earlier to Governor
Reagan in which he alleged that Bureau of
Narcotics Enforcement Area Supervisor
~ Robert P. Mannen was involved in
drinking and gambling in state offices,
drunk driving, falsification of reports,
illegal wiretapping and blackmail of
Mannen's boss Justice Deputy Director
Orville J. Hawkins, a high official in the
California Department of Justice.
ACLU-NC provided an amicus brief,
written by General Counsel Paul
Halvonik, with volunteer attorney Don
_,Glasrud attending the hearings.
The language of the Hearing Officer's
decision is important, because although he
tuled that Power was spreading false
rumors that a reasonable man would not
have believed to be true, ``there are
constitutional protections which
protect an employee in making his:
Suspicions known to appropriate
superiors, in the absence of malice or total
disregard of the truth.' _
Hearing Officer Bicknell J. Showers
states that he feels Power ``uncritically
accepted information from persons seeking
to impose upon him and permitted himself
Reversed
to become their dupe.'' His opinion is that
Power relied on a fellow agent for facts and
interpretation of events that ``at best
strained reasoning and sometimes bor-
dered on the bizarre.''
Regarding the charges against Mannen,
the decision states that some were shown |
to be untrue and others have no factual
support in the record, but that some do.
Specifically mentioned as untrue was the
blackmail charge, although Showers states
that Mannen did tape record a phone
conversation between himself and
Hawkins, without Hawkins' knowledge,
and he did make ``comments to the effect
that you have to protect yourself by having
something on everybody and that if he was
fired he would take a lot of people with
hina.
But Showers finds a conclusion of
blackmail on the evidence to be a ``chain
of reasoning'' that is ``tenuous at best.''
But Showers concludes that `` While the
proper functioning of the State cannot
condone the making of malicious and
unfounded statements about its officials, it
cannot safely establish a test of wisdom
and accuracy in regard to employees who
in good faith call even imagined
discrepancies to the attention of high
authority. Such a test may be difficult to
administer because honesty and sincerity
are difficult qualities to measure. Such a
policy may also be occasionally bur-
-densome to officials. But the alternative of
causing the employee to be not only
honest and sincere, but also to be right,
will effectively close the channels of
communication.'
Moore continued
Continued
the potential exercise of constitutional
rights by other officials and employees.''
""Not only do these `self-censored'
employees suffer a deprivation, but the,
electorate as well suffers the loss of well-
informed opinion and the information on
matters of public concern.'' -
The telling points in this ACLU brief
were not lost on the Committee for
Responsible Government. Shortly after
Judge Goldstein took the case under
submission, the Committee for
Responsible Government set out to find
men of integrity and ability to run against
those members of the majority of the
Board of Supervisors who were up for
reelection. The Committee also pledged
itself to campaign for the reelection of
Supervisor Krebs. During the spring
primary campaign, the Moore case figured
prominently in the supervisorial races.
Judge Goldstein's decision was filed on
May 3, 1972, shortly before the elections.
Finding that Dr. Moore's First Amend-
ment rights had been violated, he chose
not to rule on the other issues raised in the
case. In his decision, Judge Goldstein
wrote: ""If those public employees, who
courageously and in good faith, call to the
attention of the public what they honestly
and sincerely believe to be evil, unsound
and detrimental management of public
business by elected officials must pay the
heavy penalty of loss of employment as the
price of the candor, then the voices of
_ those best qualified to speak will be stilled
and silenced.''
**Public officials are not sacrosanct.
Lese Majesty is incompatible with
democracy. Practically every significant
improvement and change of direction in
government has resulted from harsh and
often obnoxious and offensive criticism.
Supine acquiescence by public employees
in mismanagement or improprieties leads
only to the perpetuation of evil.''
Supervisor John Krebs was reelected to
the Board in the primary election by
receiving well over fifty per cent of the
votes cast. His landslide victory after a
toughly fought campaign is viewed by
thoughtful observers as being a good index
of the voters' approval of Krebs' support
for Dr. Moore and the high principles
which both men seek to instill in county
government. The two supervisors who
voted to fire Moore and who were up for
reelection were dealt significant setbacks
at the polls.
Supervisor Reich was overwhelmingly
defeated in his bid for reelection. The
Committee for Responsible Government's
candidate, Armando Rodriquez, a Fresno
attorney and state-wide president of
MAPA, led the field of challengers and is
favored to win the run-off election for
Reich's seat on the Board.
Supervisor Wesley Craven was forced
into a run-off election in his district by Dr.
John Donaldson, a professor of physics at
California State University at Fresno.*
Donaldson also enjoyed the backing of the
_ Committee for Responsible Government.
Supervisors Ventura and Cassidy were
not up for reelection this year, but several
prominent community leaders in Ven-
tura's district are giving serious con-
sideration to mounting a recall election.
As this article is written, the Board of
Supervisors are still contemplating
whether or not to file an appeal against
Judge Goldstein's decision. In the event
that they do file an appeal, the ACLU of
Northern California will carry the case for
Dr. Moore. Whatever the future
disposition of the case, the citizens of
Fresno County have learned one of the
most important lessons of democratic
governance: the right of free speech can
be impaired only at the risk of tosing our
precious heritage of popular sovereignty.
Although we are still looking for new
funding sources for the Student Project, at
this time it seems likely to become a one-
year pilot project ending this Fall, rather
than a continuing activity.
Project Director Eva Jefferson will be -
leaving this month as planned, in any
event, to attend Boalt Hall Law School.
She is presently writing a manual on the
project so ACLU affiliates in other areas
can duplicate the project, and is planning
the project's last event - a seminar on
High School Bills of Rights, scheduled for
September 9 from 10 a.m. to 3 p.m. at
Alternative Futures Center, 2012 Pine
Street, San Francisco.
The purpose of the seminar is to re-
energize students who are interested in
getting a bill of rights adopted by their
school district.
Eva Jefferson
All students invited are familiar with
the concept of a student bill of rights.
Some have formed committees that are
drafting rights documents. Others just
know of the idea and need more in-
formation on how to translate the concept
of a student bill of rights and respon-
sibilities into a political reality in their
respective school districts.
The conference will also give both
groups stimulation and encouragement to
sustain them during the coming year's
struggle.
The seminar will have the following
resource people:
a) Suzanne Martinez, an attorney
who works out of the offices of the
Youth Law Center, a San Francisco
Based organization. Ms. Martinez is
very knowledgeable in the area of
student rights.
b) Celso Santiago, Nick Plaisberg,
and Valerie Edwards, three San
Francisco students connected with
San Francisco's City-Wide Youth
Council. The City-Wide Youth
Council is the group responsible for
the organizing effort that resulted in
the adoption of a manual of student
rights and responsibilities for the
entire San Francisco Unified School
District. These students are now in
the process of organizing a state-wide
Student Union whose function would -
be working for the interests of
California students. c) Booker Neal of the San Francisco
Human Rights Commission who
played a major role in the negotiations
that led to the adoption of the manual
on student rights and responsibilities.
Negotiations with teachers and ad-
ministrators proved crucial to the
organizing process because teacher
and administrative opposition had to
be neutralized before the S.F. school
board approved the manual. The
experiences, advice, and insights that
will be shared by the resource people
should prove invaluable to the
students who attend the seminar.
d) Pelton Stewart, who worked onthe
S.F. Manual on student rights and
responsibilities for three years while
he was a student at Balboa High. He is
;Mow:a.college stud@nti/:: 05 (.0ios:
Time will be allotted for the students to
interact with each other. In past seminars,
this time has often proven to be most
interesting, stimulating, and valuable to
the students. The exchange of ideas,
techniques, experiences, etc., can be very
productive. Students will discover what
has proven effective in other schools and
can try to apply it to their own school
systems.
Victimless Crimes $
Good news .. . a promise of a $15,000
grant for our victimless crimes project by
the Van Loben Sels Foundation, which
will become actual money when we locate
a source for an additonal $15,000 for one
year's operation and find a suitable
director.
The grant resulted from a May meeting
between Sec. Treas. Richard De Lancie
and Jay Miller with the Foundation.
Grand Jury Projection
General Counsel Paul Halvonik is
heading for national ACLU the newly
created Grand Jury Project.
The basic purpose of this project is to
protect the rights of persons called to
testify before grand juries. Over the past
few years, grand juries have been in-
creasingly used as an extension of the FBI
and other police agencies and for political
intelligence gathering. The Project will
organize a coordinated litigation attack on
the oppresive operation of grand juries.
The project will concentrate on such
issues as:
e Racial, sexual, occupational and age
discrimination in grand jury selection;
@ Subpoenas based on illegally obtained
evidence, e.g. unauthorized wiretapping;
e Extension of right to counsel to
include the right of witnesses to be ac-
companied by an attorney while in the
grand jury room;
e Resistance to grants of immunity;
extension and protection of rights against
compulsory testimony under the Fifth
Amendment, the right of free association
under the First Amendment, marital,
attorney-client, doctor-patient and other
privileges, as well as the general right of
privacy.
e Expansion of the right to discovery,
especially by criminal defendants, of grand
jury minutes.
The project will assist the affiliates
throughout the US, in cases involving
these issues and others which will arise. It'
will also seek the assistance of the affiliates
in organizing affirmative lawsuits directed
towards those issues. The Project will
produce and distribute monographs for
lawyers setting out the legal status and
powers of the grand jury, and model
pleadings and briefs.
There is currently available from
ACLU-NC for 30 cents a 21-page
pamphlet entitled Your Rights Before the
Grand Jury. The pamphlet is written for
laymen but is also footnoted for use by
lawyers.
COMMENT
First in Jeopardy
By Alan M. Dershowitz
Harvard Law Professor
The American dollar is not the only bill
that has been shrinking in value over the
past few years. The American Bill of
Rights, our most precious national
resource, is also in the process of being
significantly devalued. The civil liberties
of all Americans - the right to be free
from unwarranted Government intrusion,
to speak critically of those in power, to be
treated fairly and with due process - have
been seriously curtailed over the past few
years. As the chief counsel to the Senate
subcommittee on constitutional rights
recently put it: ``The only part of the Bill
of Rights that the Administration hasn't
either rewritten or violated is the only one
it should have - the `right to bear
acs.
The First Amendment's ``right of the
people peaceably to assemble and to
petition'' was emasculated last year when
the Government indiscriminately rounded
up more than 10,000 war protestors,
most of whom - as the courts later held
- were engaging in entirely legal
behavior. Freedom of speech and press has
also been endangered by the Vice
President's thinly veiled threats against
the broadcast media.
The Administration has also taken aim
at the Fourth Amendment's protection
against `"`unreasonable searches and
seizures.' It has audaciously claimed to be
exempt from the requirement that a court-
approved warrant be obtained before it
may tap or bug conversations involving
the national security; and it has defined
""national security'' in the most expansive
possible way to include American citizens
engaged in what the Administration
regards as radical activities. In 1969 and-
1970 alone, more than 40,000 days of
tapping and bugging were conducted
without court approval. Fortunately, a
unanimous Supreme Court has rebuffed
the Administration on this practice.
The Fifth and Sixth Amendments have
fared no better. The privilege against self-
incrimination and the right to counsel -
the bulwarks of our adversary system of
justice - may well become dead-letter if
the Administration succeeds in its express
goal of abrogating the constitutional rule
under which illegally obtained evidence is
excluded from trial; the ``exclusionary''
-ghetoric of
rule is the only presently effective
protection against unlawful police
behavior.
The Eighth Amendment's right to
reasonable bail has also been undercut by
the Administration's preventive detention
law, which authorizes the imprisonment:
of suspects, not because of what they have
done but because of what it is predicted
they might do at some future time.
Though the statute has been used only
twenty times in its ten-month history (and
is thus, obviously, not a critical weapon in
the law-enforcement arsenal), the im-
plications of preventive imprisonment
based on future predictions are frightening
to contemplate.
Despite these setbacks to liberty in
recent years, it would be wrong to con-
clude - as many radicals have asserted -
that we have become a repressive society,
or even that we are on the road to
becoming one. We are still among the
freest and least repressive societies in the
history of the world. It would also be
wrong to assume - as some politicians
have argued - that attempts to erode the
Bill of Rights are unique to the Nixon
Administration. All administrations seek
to expand the power of Government at the
expense of constitutional safeguards.
But it is widely felt by lawyers and civil
libertarians that the Bill of Rights is in
greater danger today than it has been in
recent decades. This administration has
consciously set out to weaken the powers
of the other branches of Government. It
has demeaned the Supreme Court by
considering for appointment some lawyers
whose only apparent qualifications have
_ been a thorough distaste for the provisions
of the Bill of Rights. It has encouraged the
repression. Finally, and
perhaps more important, there seems to
be a mood of repression, of intolerance, in
the air.
The American people seem to have lost
some of the vigilance that we have
traditionally exercised in defending our
sacred rights. We owe it to ourselves and
to our children to see that our noble
experiment with liberty - our Bill of
Rights - is kept strong as we enter into
our third century of nationhood.
c 1972 by The New York Times.
Reprinted by permission.
Do Women Face
Credit Discrimination?
By Rikki Grubb
ACLU-NC Summer Intern
The answer heard at May hearings
before the National Commission on
Consumer Finance is a resounding YES!
No matter what her stage of life a female
can expect credit discrimination at the
hands of almost any lender she encounters
- banks, credit-card companies, finance
companies, retail stores, and even the
Federal Government.
Single women with ample incomes are
denied mortgages and bank loans because
"`they might get married.'' Evidently,
creditors believe that once a woman
marries, her entire sense of responsibility
is thrown to the winds.
Married women encounter even
greater problems. Retail stores, even those
which cater especially to women, will
issue credit cards only in the husband's
name. Banks either discount the working
wife's income by fifty percent, or don't
count it at all in evaluating the loan ap- .
plications submitted by working couples.
Of course, sex discrimination by purely
private organizations is beyond the reach
of the Bill of Rights protection, but
enough sex discrimination goes on by
government and its regulated industries to
keep the ACLU quite busy. For example,
the Veterans' Administration requires all
women of childbearing age (twenty
through about thirty- eight) to obtain a
doctor's certificate that they cannot bear
children, or to sign an affidavit stating that
they are practicing birth control under the
supervision of a doctor, before the V.A.
will take their income into consideration _
in mortgage applications.
Widows, divorcees, and separated
women ate perhaps in the worst position
because credit records are never
established in their own names during the
marriage. Thus, it is the husband who
retains fine credit when a couple is
divorced, and the woman is forced to start
establishing credit-responsibility from
`scratch. This is virtually impossible
because merchants and banks assume that
women who cannot make a go of their
marriages will inevitably abdicate their
financial responsibilities.
This situation affects widows in a most
bizarre fashion. One case involved a
woman whose husband died six years ago.
Continued on Page 8
July - August.
aclu NEWS
Left to Right: Howard Jewel - ACLU-NC Chairman; Masao Satow - National
Director JACL; Edison Uno - Co-chairman JACL Committee to Repeal
Detention Camp Legislation; Jay Miller - ACLU-NC Executive Director.
Award Acceptance
Speech
Following are acceptance remarks of
Edison -Uno, Co-Chairman of the
National Committee To Repeal. The
Emergency Detention Act, made at the
June 4 presentation of the first Alexander
Meiklejohn Civil Liberties Award to the
Japanese American Citizens League.
`*This is indeed an auspicious occasion
and an honor for me to accept the first
annual Alexander Meiklejohn Civil
Liberties Award on behalf of the Japanese
- American Citizens League. ~
``For those of you who may not recall
the memories of the past 30 years when
110,000 Japanese, two-thirds of them
were American citizens, were subject to
the grossest injustices and deprivations of
civil rights, it was the ACLU who had the
courage to publicly oppose our wartime
treatment.
""It was the ACLU who protested the
internment of 913 aliens and citizens from
Hawaii in the Spring of 1942 and was
successful in having them returned from
Camp McCoy to their island homes.
`*It was the ACLU who posted the bail
and provided legal counsel to Fred
Korematsu when he protested the
Evacuation.
""It was the ACLU who obtained the
release of 375 evacuees from the stockades
in Tule Lake Relocation Camp in the
Spring of 1944.
"It was the ACLU who actively
supported the return of evacuees to their
West Coast homes in 1945. :
""It was the ACLU who filed for the
reinstatement of 4,322 U.S. citizens who
renounced their citizenship under
government duress.
**And it was the ACLU who supported
and provided legal advice in the
Evacuation claims cases in the 1950s.
"T could go on and on as to the history
of what your organization has done for all
persons of Japanese descent. Our struggle
has been your struggle and we are eter-
nally grateful to your membership.
""We are also very appreciative for this
special recognition for the successful
campaign to repeal Title II of the Internal
Security Act of 1950, the statutory
provisions which would have revived
detention camps in America. On Sep-
tember 25, 1971 the President signed the
repeal bill which the JACL initiated four
years ago. We were told at that time by
experienced Congressional authorities that
the repeal of Title II ``could not be done''
especially since the sentiments of this
administration and Congress were
unlikely to repeal any type of repressive
legislation in view of the agitation of
student activists, political dissentients,
and anti-war protesters.'
`The repeal of detention camp legisla-
tion was the inspiration of one individual.
The determination and dedication of this
one person was the key to the successful
legislative process. The fact that one
person, with one objective, worked with
unceasing energy and vigor made the
repeal campaign a classic example that
participatory democracy can work. I regret
that I cannot personally pay tribute to the
one individual who deserves the credit for
making this all possible and who changed
history by his courage. Our country, our
society, and all people are greatly in-
debted to this one individual, the co-
chairman of the JACL repeal committee,
- Ray Okamura of Berkeley. He is not with
us tonight because he dislikes recognition.
`"`T cannot accept this award without
also giving credit to the many committee
members who gave so generously of their
time and effort, they were the backbone of
the campaign effort. Without their support
we would have failed. We wish to
acknowledge the co-authors of the repeal
bills, Senator Daniel Inouye and
Congressman Spark Matsunaga and to
thank the ACLU and hundreds of other
organizations and individuals who were
effective in their support, both locally and
nationally.
"*In conclusion, I would like to remind
all of us that the repeal of Title II was
merely a symbolic victory. For we know
too well that there was no Title II in 1942
when by Executive Order 9066 we were
incarcerated in American concentration
camps.
*"We may have eliminated the statutory
provisions for detention camps, but we
must always remember it takes eternal
vigilance to improve Democracy and we
must struggle to eliminate the camps of
poverty, ignorance, unemployment, sub-
standard housing, poor health care, and
the psychological concentration camps of
fear, hate, racism, and oppression.
`In the living spirit of the great
Alexander Meiklejohn who left us a legacy
of civil liberties and human dignity, the
Japanese American Citizens League
accepts this honor as an inspiration to
continue the fight for freedom, equality,
and justice. Thank you."'
POLICY
July - August
(R) aclu NEWS
Biennial Conference Passes
8 Policy -Binding Resolutions
At the June conference in Colorado,
eight Policy-Binding Resolutions were
passed which will now go to the National
Board for ratification.
ACLUN_1946 ACLUN_1946.MODS ACLUN_1947 ACLUN_1947.MODS ACLUN_1948 ACLUN_1948.MODS ACLUN_1949 ACLUN_1949.MODS ACLUN_1950 ACLUN_1950.MODS ACLUN_1951 ACLUN_1951.MODS ACLUN_1952 ACLUN_1952.MODS ACLUN_1953 ACLUN_1953.MODS ACLUN_1954 ACLUN_1954.MODS ACLUN_1955 ACLUN_1955.MODS ACLUN_1956 ACLUN_1956.MODS ACLUN_1957 ACLUN_1957.MODS ACLUN_1958 ACLUN_1958.MODS ACLUN_1959 ACLUN_1959.MODS ACLUN_1960 ACLUN_1960.MODS ACLUN_1961 ACLUN_1961.MODS ACLUN_1962 ACLUN_1962.MODS ACLUN_1963 ACLUN_1963.MODS ACLUN_1964 ACLUN_1964.MODS ACLUN_1965 ACLUN_1965.MODS ACLUN_1966 ACLUN_1966.MODS ACLUN_1967 ACLUN_1967.MODS ACLUN_1968 ACLUN_1968.MODS ACLUN_1968.batch ACLUN_1969 ACLUN_1969.MODS ACLUN_1969.batch ACLUN_1970 ACLUN_1970.MODS ACLUN_1970.batch ACLUN_1971 ACLUN_1971.MODS ACLUN_1971.batch ACLUN_1972 ACLUN_1972.MODS ACLUN_1972.batch ACLUN_1973 ACLUN_1973.MODS ACLUN_1974 ACLUN_1974.MODS ACLUN_1975 ACLUN_1975.MODS ACLUN_1976 ACLUN_1976.MODS ACLUN_1977 ACLUN_1977.MODS ACLUN_1978 ACLUN_1978.MODS ACLUN_1979 ACLUN_1979.MODS ACLUN_1980 ACLUN_1980.MODS ACLUN_1981 ACLUN_1981.MODS ACLUN_1982 ACLUN_1982.MODS ACLUN_1983 ACLUN_1983.MODS ACLUN_1983.batch ACLUN_1984 ACLUN_1984.MODS ACLUN_1985 ACLUN_1985.MODS ACLUN_1986 ACLUN_1986.MODS ACLUN_1987 ACLUN_1987.MODS ACLUN_1988 ACLUN_1988.MODS ACLUN_1989 ACLUN_1989.MODS ACLUN_1990 ACLUN_1990.MODS ACLUN_1991 ACLUN_1991.MODS ACLUN_1992 ACLUN_1992.MODS ACLUN_1993 ACLUN_1993.MODS ACLUN_1994 ACLUN_1994.MODS ACLUN_1995 ACLUN_1995.MODS ACLUN_1996 ACLUN_1996.MODS ACLUN_1997 ACLUN_1997.MODS ACLUN_1998 ACLUN_1998.MODS ACLUN_1999 ACLUN_1999.MODS ACLUN_ladd ACLUN_ladd.MODS ACLUN_ladd.bags ACLUN_ladd.batch add-tei.sh create-bags.sh create-manuscript-bags.sh create-manuscript-batch.sh fits.log Unless the actual vote is reported, the
resolutions adopted or defeated were of a
sufficiently large margin not to require a
tally count.
Exclusionary Zoning
`*Zoning and other land use controls
may not be applied in a fashion which
substantially conflicts with the op-
portunity of low and moderate income
persons to secure minimally adequate
housing in an economically and racially
integrated environment.
``Exclusionary zoning and land use
practices by government have become a
major source of segregation, both racial
and economic, in residential areas of the
United States. The pattern of legally
enforced segregation which has come to
characterize our use of land conflicts
radically with the goal of equal op-
portunity in employment as increasing
numbers of business enterprises move to
areas where there is no low and moderate
income housing; so too it conflicts with
equal opportunity in education where
whole cities are fast becoming either all
black or white; so too, it conflicts with the
goal of decent and integrated housing for
all Americans, when segments of our
population are confined to the crowded
and substandard housing of our ghettoes.
"Local governments are creatures of
and delegates of the states. The state is
constitutionally obliged to assure its
citizens of equal treatment - at the hands
of the state and of its delegates. The
delegation of local autonomy over matters
of zoning and land use must be ac-
companied by legal assurances that the
authority so delegated will not be em-
ployed so as to defeat the needs of the
whole classes of the state's citizens.
`Tt is the policy of the ACLU that the
state and its delegated agents may not
establish a regime of restraints or policies
which prevents the allocation of
residential land to low and moderate
income housing or which in any way
discriminates against low or moderate
income people.
``Utilizing federal, state, and local
governmental powers-such as land-use
permits, grants, tax incentives, and traffic
planning, government has the respon-
sibility of positive action to encourage the
development of racially and economically
integrated communities. Adopted by a
vote of 124-5 (the statement represents a
synthesis of the proposal by Larry Sager
and the New York Civil Liberties Union
statement, incorporating suggestions from
various workshops, and amended from the
floor)."'
Women's Rights
""Be it resolved that, in order to im-
plement the present ACLU policy (316A)
on the rights of women, a Status of
Women Steering Committee be selected in
a manner to be determined by the
National Board.''
Rights of the Poor
"*The American Civil Liberties Union
holds that the United States Constitution
and proper Government policy require
government at every level to assure every
person in the United States an adequate '
standard of living. Adopted, by a vote of
110-50
Development Staffing
`*Fight years ago, in this same setting,
ACLU set a new direction - the ACLU
version of the `power to the people.'
_**`Rather than now taking a step back-
ward, we do now hereby reaffirm that
`great leap forward' and move that the
first priority of this Biennial is to expand
the national development staff to assist
affiliates in fund-raising both on the hard
money and soft money sides.
`*The function of these people is to aid
and advise affiliates in the skills and
techniques needed to develope resources
for the civil liberties struggle locally as
well as nationally.
"*The thrust of this motion is to in-
crease the financial pie available to af-
filiates as well as national ACLU, so that
the substantial work of the Union may
move forward vigorously - unhampered
by insufficient financial undergirding.''
Dues Structure
The following revision of the dues
structure was adopted:
1972 1973
Member $1000 $1000
Sponsoring Member 100 100
Co-operating Member 50 _ eliminate
Sustaining Member 35 500x00B0
Supporting Member 25 __ eliminate,
Joint Member 15 2
Basic Member 10 15
(The lowest category, now designed
Student/Limited Income at $5, was
referred to the Steering Committee for
recommendation to the Board regarding
the renaming of the category and changing
the amount.)
In considering this issue, the Con-
ference adopted by a 101-59 vote a
proposal that the Student category be
eliminated. It also approved a motion that
``the Biennial Conference supports the
principle of a broadened membership base,
and directs the staff to study the impact of
financial resources to broaden the base.''
Crisis Area Fund
`*That Crisis Area Fund contributions
be made mandatory upon every affiliate;
that contributions are to be 5 percent of
the affiliate share of `shared and affiliate
new income'.''
Powers of the Biennial Conference
In a preferential vote, the Conference
recommended that the purpose of the
Biennial Conference, with certain
structural changes, be retained. This
proposal received 107 votes. A -second
At a meeting of the California caucus
at the Biennial, Marvin Schacter, the'
President of ACLU of Southern
California presides, while ACLU-NC
delegates Eva Jefferson, Jay Miller and
Howard Jewel listen.
ACLU-NC delegates Carol Burke and
Henry Ramsey (on left) participate in
small group discussions.
ACLU delegates at biennial are Paul
Halvonik, Harriet Katz (southern
California), Stan Stevens and Richard
DeLancie.
proposal, to strip the Conference of its
policy making powers and to substitute an
affiliate initiative-referendum procedure,
received 30 votes. A third proposal, to
turn the Conference into a convention
with binding policy making powers,
received 22 votes.
The following resolutions concerning
structural changes and requiring con-
stitutional amendment were approved: '
1) Insert the words ``The substance
of'? before the words ``Any recom-
mendation'' at the beginning of Section
10(C).
b) `*That the Constitution of the Union
be amended to provide that if the rejection '
by the Board of Directors of a Biennial
Conference recommendation is over-
ridden in a referendum held thereon by a
majority vote (instead of the two-thirds
vote now provided for in the Constitution
(Sec. 10(C) ) then the Board shall adopt
the Conference recommendation. Ap-
proved by a 99-49 vote.
c) **That the Constitution of the Union
be amended to provide that the policy-
influencing recommendation of a Biennial
Conference become binding unless
rejected by the Board of Directors within
12 months after the adjournment of the
Biennial Conference (instead of the 18
month period after adjournment now
provided for in the Constitution (Sec.
10(C) ). Approved by a 85-59 vote.
d) ``That the Constitution Committee
be directed to formulate and present to the
Board a Constitutional amendment to
provide for a system of initiative and
referendum on policy by affiliate boards.''
Weighted Voting
The Conference approved two proposed
Constitutional amendments regarding
. weighted voting in the election of National
at-large Board members. The amend-
ments would change Section 7(c) (1) (ii) as
follows:
(The electors shall be the following'
persons, voting by mail:)
"*(a) The members of the boards of the
affiliates voting individually at a meeting
specially called for that purpose and each
casting a number of votes equal to the
number of members in his or her affiliate
divided by the number of affiliate board
members voting.'' Approved by a vote of
70-65, it was understood that there must '
be a quorum of affiliate board members
present at the specially-called meeting.
`*(b) The members of the national
Board of Directors voting individually and
each casting as many votes as one-third of
the membership of the Union divided by
the actual membership of the national
Board of Directors. . .'? Approved by a
vote of 100-41.
LEGISLATIVE
Contact Your
Congressman Now
Two issues of great importance to Civil
Liberties may be voted on before the break
for the Republican convention -
estimated at August 18.
Please let your representative know how
you feel by telephone or wire on school
busing and the Subversive Activities
Control Board.
Following is an analysis of these issues
by our Washington Legislative Office.
School Busing
`It is quite clear now that President
Nixon plans to re-kindle emotions over
the school busing issue. He will use it as
his top domestic ploy, creating a phony
issue in much the same way as he created
straw men of Ramsey Clark and the courts
for his ``law n' order'' smears in 1968.
Public respect for the courts will again
be weakened by the upcoming Nixon
strategy, and the courts themselves will
indeed face a very real threat, through
legislation aiming to hamstring the
courts' ability to remedy violations of the
constitution.
The sad irony in all this is that anti-
busing mail to Congress had decreased
drastically, even during the weeks before
the vote on the Higher Education Act,
with its strong (but undoubtedly un-
constitutional) anti-busing, anti-transfer
amendment.
The Nixon strategy should work
something like this: first, an attempt to
get Congress to pass his Busing ~
Moratorium bill. Failing this, an effort to
win passage of his so-called Equal
Educational Opportunities: bill.
Failing this, Nixon will issue a thun-
dering blast at Congress for failing to stop
the courts from busing little children all
over the map, and will call for passage of
nothing less than, the proposed con-
stitutional amendment (H.J. Res. 620)
which would eliminate a// devices for
school desegregation.
Most of these developments will focus
on the House. The discharge petition for
the constitutional amendment, e.g., now
has 158 of the 217 signatures needed to
force H.J. Res. 620 out of committee to
the floor for a vote.
But in the Senate, Sen. Griffin (Mich.),
does have plans of his own: he will
reintroduce his own anti-busing measure
as an amendment to some upcoming piece
of legislation.
Action: We need your help promptly, |
especially if you are from the states of
Indiana, Missouri, Mass., California,
Florida, Hawaii, `Up eee, New York,
Texas or Illinois.
This is because we have a rare op-
portunity for some concentrated lobbying
on a handful of Congressmen who can
have a major impact on Round One of the
Nixon plan. The plan is for Rep. William
Colmer of Mississippi to insist, in early
August, that the House Judiciary
Committee either report Nixon's Busing
Moratorium bill to the floor, or Colmer's
Rules Committee will preempt the bill and
itself vote it out for floor action.
The Rules Committee has 15 members.
Democrats, besides Colmer, include
Madden (Ind.), Delaney (N.Y.), Bolling
(Mo.), O'Neill (Mass.), Sisk (Calif.),
Young (Texas), Pepper (Fla.), Matsunaga
(Hawaii) and Anderson (Tenn.).
Republicans on the Rules Committee
include Smith (Calif.), Anderson (IIl.),
Martin (Neb.), Quillen (Tenn.) and Latta
(Ohio).
The members we should concentrate on
in urging a ``no'' vote in the Rules
Committee - thus keeping jurisdiction of
the bill with the Judiciary Committee -
are Madden, Delaney, Bolling, O'Neill,
Sisk, Young, Pepper, Matsunaga, and
both Andersons.
Although you can undoubtedly provide
good reasons of your own in urging a
"*no'' vote of these members, here are a
few others:
@ The Judiciary Committee has held
hundreds of hours of hearing on the bill,
and is thus the only committee truly
qualified to evaluate it.
@ For the Democrats: their Party
Convention, which is being hailed as one
of the most thoughtful, responsible and
serious political conventions ever held in
this country, included a platform plank
endorsing busing as one means of school
desegregation. It would certainly behoove
Democratic Congressmen to consistently
back their platform. Moreover, there has
been very little reaction generated by the
plank, which is evidence that the issue Nas
been exaggerated.
e@ This vote represents an important
opportunity to defuse the busing issue. It
was defusing itself, anyway, until Nixon
strategists began their drive to revive it.
This should be evidence to Congressmen
that (a) busing i is a phony issue, (b) it is
mot an issue on which elections will be
lost, (c) it is time to act responsibly, and
this is a place where the anti-busing
controversy can begin the road to a quiet
death.
Because this vote can be such an im-
portant psychological victory if we win it
(at the moment the odds are against us,
but your work can turn this around), I ask
that each of you make a special effort to see
that the following Congressmen receive
letters:
Madden, Delaney, Bolling, O'Neill,
Sisk, Young, Pepper, Matsunaga and
both Andersons.
As you can see, we must win eight (8)
votes. Heavy pressure on the 10
possibilities above may bring about a
milestone.
Good luck, and please get the mail
going quickly. It would be best if your and
writers write as citizens, not as members
of the AGQLU or other civil liberties-civil
rights oriented groups.
Subversive Activities Control Board
We have won a crucial round in our
fight to deprive the Subversive Activities
Control Board of its funds. On June 15,
the Senate cast a very strong vote - 42 to
25 -- to delete from the fiscal 1973 ap-
propriations bill all funds proposed for the
SACB. Our victory is not yet safe and we
have two more very important hurdles to
overcome.
You will recall that we lost in the House
which in May voted 206-106 to give the
SACB $450,000. (Even that was a partial
defeat as the Administration had
requested $706,000.) Now that the
Senate has voted no money, the entire
appropriations bill (H.R. 14989) goes to a
Senate-House Conference to resolve this
and other differences. The House Con-
ferees have all supported the SACB. The
Senate Conferees include both supporters
and opponents. We anticipate, therefore,
that we will not be satisfied with the
results of the Conference. Fortunately,
Senator Ervin has vowed a floor fight if the
Conference votes any money at all for the
SACB.
Time is of the essence. The Senate-
House Conference and the floor fight (see
below) could come this week and will
certainly come before August 18 when
Congress adjourns for the Republican
July - August
aclu NEWS
Senator Tunney's Bill
On Financial Disclosure
Following are Senator Tunney's
remarks of introduction of his bill S. 3814,
the Financial Records Privacy Act, as
found in the Congressional Record for July
20, 1972:
Mr. TUNNEY. Mr. President, the bill
is designed to be an insurance policy
against unwarranted and' improper in-
trusions by person's banking life.
At the same time it will relieve the
banks from the uncomfortable and con-
flicting position of having to please both
the Government as well as the customer.
The bill is designed to cover all varieties
of financial institutions including banks, |
savings and loan associations, credit card
companies and the like. It prohibits un-
warranted disclosure of financial records
showing individual transactions in or with:
respect to a particular account. This
includes checks, invoices, or similar
instruments drawn on, issued, payable, or
billable by a financial institution.
The bill permits disclosure of the
protected information only upon certain
very well-defined conditions: First, when
the account holder has consented to it;
second, when a subpena has been served
| requiring those records; third, or when a
``probable cause'' hearing has been held
resulting in a court order requiring
disclosure of those records.
In the event a subpena is the means by
which the records are to be obtained, the
bill requires service to be made upon the
account holder himself in order that he
will have notice of its issuance thereby
affording him an opportunity to demand a
court hearing in the event he believes the
subpena to be improperly issued.
By requiring direct service of subpena
on the account holder, no longer will the
bank have to worry about whether it
should notify the account holder when a
subpena is served or whether it should
challenge the Government in court on the
customer's behalf.
Mr. President, I might add that the
Library of Congress has informed me that
there are over 100 different administrative
subpoenas which can be issued by Federal
governmental agencies and departments.
This incredible number of subpoenas
available to Government agents
demonstrates clearly the need to give
notice to the account holder, if we are
going to protect from improper intrusion
the right of banking privacy that
Americans have a right to expect.
The bill also provides, however, that
when a probable cause hearing has been
undergone which results in the issuance of
a court order for any particular bank
records, no such notice to the account
holder will be required on the part of law
enforcement agencies.
There is good reason for allowing law
enforcement authorities this method. If a
court determines there is probable cause
that a crime has been committed and that
the evidence will be found among the bank
records, the Constitutional fourth
`amendment protection will have been
safeguarded, and then enforcement
authorities should be allowed to utilize the
element of surprise.
The bill will allow the Federal- Deposit
Insurance Corporation, the Comptroller of
the Currency, and similar agencies to
preform periodic examination or audit of
financial records pursuant to -
statutory authority.
The bill prohibits for the most part any
such agency or, indeed, any other
governmental department or agency
obtaining records pursuant to the
procedures outlined in the bill, to use or
retain the disclosed information for any
purpose other than the specific statutory
purpose for which the information was
originally sought. This protection is
subject to one exception: Such in-
formation may be used and retained where
it provides evidence giving rise to com-
plaint or indictment within 6 months of
obtaining such information. This will have
the effect of precluding the accumulation
of such information for any noncriminal
investigatory purpose, but will not require
the Government to wear blinders in the
event some highly incriminating evidence
is disclosed.
The bill provides for civil remedies
against the financial institution, the
United States, or any other person or
agency violating the act as well as criminal
penalties. It also allows injunctive relief to
be available to persons who are affected by
violations of the act.
Tunney's staff wanted to draw particular
attention to the bill's section on Civil
Penalties.
*"CIVIL PENALTIES
**SEC. 7. (a) For each willful violation
of this title, the person to whom such
records relate may recover from such
financial institution, The United States or
any other person willfully violating this
title an amount equal to the sum of-
`*(1) any actual damages sustained by
such person as a result of the violation;
**(2) such punitive damages as the court
may allow; but not less than $5,000; and
**(3) in the event of any successful
action to enforce liability under this
section, the cost of the action together
with a reasonable attorney's fee as
determined by the court.
`"`(b) For every other violation of this
Act, the person to whom such records
relate may recover from such financial
institution, the United States, or any
other person violating this title an amount
equal to the sum of-
`*(1) any actual damages sustained by
such person or the sum of $1,000,
whichever is greater; and
**"(2) in the event of any successful
action to enforce liability under this
section, the cost of the action together.
with a reasonable attorney's fee as
determined by the court.
"*(c) An action to enforce any liability
under this Act may be brought in any
appropriate United States district court
without regard to the amount in con-
troversy, or in any other court of com-
petent jurisdiction, within three years
from the date on which the liability arises,
or the date of discovery of such liability,
whichever is longer.''
Convention. We desperately need
everyone to immediately write letters.
Analyzing the votes cast in the June 16
Senate vote along with the absentees, we
have an absolute majority. However, the
SACB is only one item in a $4.6 million
appropriation bill and Senators will be
under pressure to go along. Our job is to
see that they stand firm against funding
the SACB, even if it means delaying the
appropriation bill. Again, the basic points
to make are that the SACB's blacklisting
activities violate the First Amendment
and that continued funding, despite
repeated court decisions ruling their work
unconstitutional, constitutes a massive
waste of the taxpayers' money.
Action: All Senators should be con-
tacted, informed that a Senate floor fight is
likely, and urged to vote to reject any
Conference Report which contains money
for the SACB.
a
CETERA
News of the
Sacramento
A public forum which the Chapter
sponsored on "`Women and the Media'',
was taped by KPFA FM radio when it was
done on June 14, and will be broadcast on
August 16th from 9-10 p.m. over KPFA,
94.1 on the FM dial.
Some of the issues which were debated
were the portrayal of women in news and
in media advertising, coverage of
women's issues, employment ratios of
women to men in the media, and whether
local newspapers and television are
responding to the needs of the local
community.
One of the panelists is ACLU-NC staff.
attorney Deborah Hinkle.
Others are Sigrid Peek, Sacramento
Bee; Roy Heatly, KRON-TV, San
Francisco; Rose King, Sacramento State;
and Bill Dorman, Sacramento State, who
moderates the program.
Berkeley-Albany
The Berkeley-Albany Chapter wants
`members to run fof its Board. A
Nominating Committee (Mike Rappaport,
Addie Collins, Carolyn Cowan, Eileen
Keech. and Hans Sluis) will accept
nominations bearing signatures of five (5)
Chapter members. Send nominations to
P.O. Box 121, Berkeley, 94701 by
August 21. The nominee must consent to
run. If you have questions, phone 548-
1322,
Santa Clara
Robert Baines, volunteer ACLU at-
torney, has charged the county youth
authorities with ``unconstitutional
censorship'' of younsters' mail in county
juvenile facilities.
He contended the practice of reading all
incoming and outgoing mail written by
and to inmates at the Juvenile Center and
the boys' and girls' ranches violates the
First, Fourth, Sixth and Fourteenth
amendment rights of free speech, free
association to petition the government,
to counsel, privacy and freedom from
illegal search and seizure.
Richard Bothman, acting chief juvenile
probation officer, said the mail is indeed
6ecent
read, in an attempt to intercept ``con-
traband'' such as narcotics and to look for
""deleterious'' action, such as escape,
planned by inmates of the youth facilities.
He said the practice may be temporarily
suspended pending a county counsel's
ruling and would be halted if ruled un-
constitutional.
Baines said ACLU would ``pursue all
remedies available to us'' to end the
practice.
_@
Marin |
A picnic is planned for the Saturday
afternoon of September 16 at Stolte Grove
in Mill Valley. If the Death Penalty
Initiative is on the November Ballot, this
will be the subject of the day. Members
will receive more details in the next few
weeks.
Mt. Diablo
The Mt. Diablo Chapter has been
among several Contra Costa County
citizens groups who have questioned the
need for the proposed 500-inmate
maximum security county jail and has
requested a delay in its planning.
Last April, the board of supervisors
voted to proceed with plans for the new
jail, even as they hired the Bay Area
Social Planning Council to explore the
various alternatives to the jail.
The ACLU, in a_ letter to the board
deplored ``the waste of taxpayers' money
in continuing to pay any further architects
fees'? and asked suspension of jailing
_ planning until the study is completed. .
Johnson Clark, writing for ACLU's jail
study committee says, ``There is a strong
possibility the council will find a $12
million jail an unnecessary burden on the
county taxpayers and an obstacle to the
rehabilitation of prisoners, which should
be the aim of civilized society.''
San Francisco
Following a couple of inquiries by the
Chapter's Employment Rights Com-
mittee, the Public Utilities Commission
has changed its policy of having its
Assistant Manager function as both
prosecutor and judge at hearings of
departmental charges against Muni
employees.
The PUC justified its policy first as
mandated by the San Francisco City
Charter, then by a `doctrine of
necessity,'' and finally changed the policy
after ``objections were raised by `people
like you."
July - August
$B aclu NEWS
Need oi ( Help
In this issue of aclu NEWS there are six
opportunities for you to get involved in
ACLU activities - actions we want to
take that will only happen if members like
you pitch in and help. Which ones can we
count on you for?
-Death Penalty Initiative Campaign
(page 1)
-National legislative issues (page 7)
-Renew and refer for ACLU (page 8)
-Watch KQED (page 8)
-Listen to KPFA (page 8)
-Send rich friends to fund projects
(page 3)
Q Guard Fired Over Hair
Legal Director Chuck Marson recently
filed an appeal in the California Court of
Appeals on behalf of Mr. Danniel H.
Kientz, former San Quentin Guard. .
Kientz was fired because he refused to
comply with his superior's order to trim
his sideburns. The dismissal was justified
on the grounds that he violated a rule
requiring him to be ``neat and clean.''
The State Personnel Board has upheld
his dismissal on the grounds that ``The
limited restraint on the appellant's
constitutional rights to appear as he
pleased is outweighed by the benefit'' to
San Quentin of having such a rule in a
`"semi-military organization.''
Following the Personnel Board's
decision, Mr. Kienz petitioned the court
for a Writ of Mandate under a section of
the Code of Civil Procedure. The court
however, denied the petition stating that
the decision of the State Personnel Board
would be upheld.
_ The A.C.L.U. brief states that the order
of the Personnel Board was not ``sup-
ported by the findings'' and that the
`findings were not supported by the
evidence.'' It points out that ``California
law holds that a public employee has a
fundamental right based upon the first and
fourteenth amendment to groom himself
as he pleases, subject only to compelling
countervailing interests not present in Mr.
Kientz' case.''
The suit also claims that the standard of
grooming enforced against Mr. Kienz was
unconstitutionally vague as applied to
him.
The length of Mr. Kienz' sideburns;
one half inch below his ear, may seem
trivial, but his firing is not, the brief
asserts.
Renew and Refer
We are very pleased that nearly all
members have now renewed for 1972. But
there is still a thousand or two of you out
there that we haven't heard from yet.
Certainly hope your support will
continue at this critical time. We are now
engaged in some of the most important
battles in our history: the major suit
challenging the Bank Secrecy Act, for
one; and the fight in Sacramento over the
Women's Equal Rights Amendment, for
another. We also face an unprecedented
number of state initiative fights: the death
penalty, busing, marijuana, obscenity and
privacy.
We need your support NOW.
Many who have renewed have received
a request for names of friends who might
join ACLU. Eventually, all will be asked.
Thanks very much to those who have
responded so enthusiastically. Some
people have emptied out their address
books. Good. That's just what we need.
We have contacted some of your friends
already, although most will be written this
Fall, when they've returned from
vacations, etc. Again, thanks.
Radio Listening
Note
ACLU completed its third COM-
MENTARY program of KPFA FM
radio on July 28, with Jay Miller and
Summer Intern Rikki Grubb discussing
civil liberties and the women's rights
movement.
Next program will be Friday, Aug. 25
at 5 p.m. That's KPFA radio, at 94 on
your FM dial.
TV Viewing Note
KQED TV, Channel 9, will air an
hour panel discussion of the decisions
of the 1971-72 U.S. Supreme Court on
August 30, at 8:30 p.m.
Moderator for the show is former
ACLU-NC_ Staff Counsel Marshall
Krause. Panel members are ACLU-NCeuro
General Counsel Paul Halvonik,
ACLU-NC Legal Committee Co-
Chairman Jerry Falk, and Stanford Law
Professor Gerald Gunther.
Women continued
Continued from page 5
She was completely unable to change the
credit cards to her own name at the time of
her husband's death. Ultimately, she kept
. his charge accounts, and even opened new
ones in his name, because it became
obvious that a man who has been dead for
six years has a higher credit standing than
a woman widowed and working.
As the director of Women's Affairs in
the. Minnesota Department of Human
Rights stated at the Commission hearings:
"If you're married and in your
childbearing years, you're a bad credit
risk; if you're divorced, you're a bad
credit risk; if you're single, you're a bad
credit risk. Men are bad credit risks when
they don't pay their bills. Women - just
because they are women."'
The ACLU has received many calls
from angry women who are rebuffed in
their attempts to obtain credit, loans, and
mortgages. In fact, complaints about sex
discrimination in the extenstion of credit
come to our attention more frequently
than any others in the area of women's
rights.
Unfortunately, the issue does not lend
itself to easy resolution, by the ACLU or
any other attorneys.
One problem in obtaining judicial relief
has always been that no existing
legislation clearly prohibits sex
discrimination in credit. Congresswoman
Abzug has introduced several bills which
would bar sex discrimination in credit
and mortgage transactions. And
Congresswoman Green submitted a
similar bill concerning the availability and
scope of insurance coverage for women.
But for the moment, any legal challenge is
without the benefit of supportive
precedent or a legislative mandate.
ACLU-NC staff feel strongly that credit
discrimination contravenes a developing
national policy against sex discrimination,
declared in Title VII of the 1964 Civil
Rights Act, and the recently passed Equal
_ Rights Amendment. We would like to
broaden this public policy to sustain a
judicial challenge to the above-
mentioned practices. ACLU members
should: write their U.S. Congressional
representatives, to register support for the
proposed legislation. And they should
protest those agencies who invoke sex-
discriminatory policies.
Women's rights has been designated a
high priority project by ACLU-NC and a
proposal is being prepared to obtain
foundation funding for such a project. In
the meantime, such litigative, legislative
and educational action will continue as is
possible with existing staff.
Anyone with ideas on possible funding
sources for a women's rights project give
Jay Miller a call at 433-2750.